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Will the Courts Invalidate Deferred Action?

24 Apr

KeepCalmStudio.com-[Crown]-Keep-Calm-And-Apply-For-Daca

There is much hue and cry over a federal district court judge possibly blocking the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program.

In a lawsuit filed by Kansas Secretary of State, Kris Kobach, on behalf of ICE Union head, Christopher Crane, challenging the DACA program, Judge Reed O’Connor (Northern District of Texas) has indicated that he is likely to find that the program violates federal law.

Previously, Judge O’ Connor had ruled that agents with the Immigration and Customs Enforcement had standing to bring suit as the prosecutorial discretion directive urged them to violate federal law, and the agents believed that by not following the directive, they would be subject to discipline and other adverse employment consequences.

Beneficiaries and recent applicants for the deferred action program should rest assured that even if the lawsuit is successful, it should not invalidate or affect their ability to legally work and reside in the country.

First, the judge has not yet issued a preliminary injunction against DACA. In fact, the case presents complicated issues of whether the federal judge even has jurisdiction to hear the case as it appears to be an employment dispute. Judge O’Connor has therefore asked the parties–the Department of Justice and lawyers for the ICE Union–to brief whether the  Collective Bargaining Agreement and the CSRA bars the federal district court from hearing the case.

Second, even if Judge O’ Connor grants a preliminary injunction, there are additional questions as to whether the injunction only affects applications filed in the Northern District of Texas. Regardless of the answer, the Department of Justice is likely to file an appeal to the Fifth Circuit, and seek a stay of the injunction, such that the operation of the deferred action program continues smoothly.

Third, upon appeal, the Fifth Circuit is likely to uphold deferred action. Prosecutorial discretion has a long history in U.S. immigration law and agency practice, so Judge O’ Connor is simply wrong in stating that immigration laws mandate the detention of non-citizens present in the U.S. without legal status. In fact, Judge O’ Connor erroneously finds that DHS has prosecutorial discretion in the latter stages through the cancelling of removal proceedings but not in the initial stages, which hardly makes any sense.

In the meantime, the DACA program continues to be available to eligible undocumented youth. Prosecutorial discretion is also unlikely to go away and a federal judge in Northern Texas does not have the ability to undo decades of U.S. immigration law.

We will continue to document the efforts of bureaucrats within ICE to stymie intelligent immigration enforcement through insubordination, lawsuits, leaks, and more generic tactics like refusal to complete trainings and sick-outs.

The lesson of the day is hence, keep calm and keep applying for DACA.

How would a Supreme Court ruling striking down DOMA affect immigration?

27 Mar

Theya & Edie

One of the biggest immigration cases of the current Supreme Court terms is not about immigration at all.  Today, March 27, 2013, the Court heard arguments in U.S. v. Windsor, a case that is about the validity of a same-sex marriage and its recognition under U.S. law.  In 2007, Edie Windsor married her longtime partner, Theya Speyer in Canada, which allows same-sex marriage.  When Speyer died in 2009, Windsor was hit with a $363,000 tax bill that she would not have been required to pay if Speyer had been a man.  Federal law passed in 1996, the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), prohibited the federal government from recognizing Windsor and Speyer’s marriage and disallowed Windsor from claiming an exemption to the federal estate tax.  Windsor sued and prevailed in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.  The government, now being represented by conservative members of the House of Representatives because the Justice Department refuses to defend the Act, sought Supreme Court review and the Justices heard the case today.  A decision is due by June.  According to Supreme  Court guru and editor of the SCOTUSblog.com, Tom Goldstein, there appears to be the votes to invalidate DOMA.  Given our confidence in Tom Goldstein’s analysis, we provide our own analysis how the demise of DOMA would affect immigration law.

First, DOMA prohibits the federal government from recognizing same-sex marriages legally performed in U.S. states.  Currently, there are nine states, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, New Hampshire, Maine, New York, Iowa, Maryland, Washington and the District of Columbia, that allow same-sex couples to get married.  Presumably some of those marriages would be between an American citizen and a foreign national.  However, while an American citizen can file an immigrant petition on behalf of their foreign national opposite-sex spouse, DOMA prevents the approval of an immigrant petition by an American citizen in a same-sex marriage.  Although the marriage between the two men or two women is perfectly legal in the state in which it was performed, DOMA relieves the federal government from recognizing that marriage.  Therefore, a U.S. citizen can not sponsor their foreign same-sex spouse for residence.

The inability of a U.S. citizen to sponsor their foreign spouse has led many binational couples to pursue very unconventional solutions to live together in the U.S. We have seen individuals take the long, difficult and expensive route to seek their residence because the simple path is foreclosed.  In addition, we have seen adoptions between partners, the establishment of businesses to bring their spouse-employee to the U.S., and desperate resort to fake marriages.  When a law causes good people to break the law, there is often something wrong with the law.  If DOMA is struck down, a U.S. citizen could file an immigrant petition on behalf of their same-sex spouse and have the same expectation of approval as a heterosexual couple has.

Second, same-sex spouses could serve as “qualifying relatives” for relief from removal.  Foreign nationals facing removal often can seek to avoid removal by applying for relief from removal.  Many of these forms of relief require a demonstration of hardship to a U.S. citizen or permanent resident spouse.  In the past, one member of a same sex couple could face removal and not be eligible to apply for relief due to the absence of a spouse, regardless of how long that individual were in a relationship with an American of the same sex.

Third, it may help multinational corporations transfer employees more easily.  U.S. law provides for temporary visa for foreign employees needed in the U.S.  Spouses and children of the foreign employee are entitled to derivative visas.  However, same-sex spouses do not get the same benefit and key employees do refuse transfer to the U.S. due to the inability of their same-sex spouse to join them.  DOMA’s prohibitions deprive U.S. business of workers they have determined they need.

DOMA’s demise would be a very good thing for the development of immigration law.  The pernicious effect of DOMA on the lives of thousands of Americans and their partners/ spouses has led Immigration Equality, the nation’s leading LGBT immigrant rights organization, to file suit on behalf of five gay binational couples challenging DOMA in the immigration context.  Those cases are on hold pending the Supreme Court’s decision in Windsor.  We are hopeful that the Supreme Court makes the Immigration Equality suits moot.

An Open Letter to Rep. Spencer Bachus

21 Mar

 

Dear Congressman Bachus,

Thank you very much for speaking out about the overuse of detention by Immigration & Customs Enforcement (ICE) in civil proceedings to determine the removability of individuals in the U.S.  By stating and asking “it looks to me like there is an overuse of detention by this administration.  If these people are not safety risks . . . why are we detaining them?,” you have joined the growing chorus of Americans who wonder why the government, during a time of fiscal crisis, spends so much money locking people up during immigration proceedings when they present no danger to society.  You are welcome in our club and we are glad to have you.

However, we do think it is important that you understand the role you played in building the gulag archipelago of immigration detention.  The explosion of immigration detention is a direct result of legislation you voted for, the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996.  This law, more than any decision by the Obama administration, has resulted in the overuse of detention for individuals in removal proceedings.  While you are right to question the overuse of detention by the administration, please do not overlook Congress’, and your, responsibility in forcing the detention of tens of thousands of people, the vast majority of whom are not safety risks.  IIRIRA fueled the explosion of detention in several ways.  First, it expanded mandatory detention to cover lots of people convicted of minor offenses.   Mandatory detention has forced ICE (and INS before ICE) to detain people during the course of their removal proceedings.  These individuals had no right to individualized determinations of their risk to society or likelihood to appear for hearings.  By expanding the classes of people subject to mandatory detention, Congress created a base layer of detainees.  It is true that interpretations by this and previous administrations have increased the potential pool of mandatory detainees, but mandatory detention and its wide reach is a creation of Congress.  Second, IIRIRA labelled many minor offenses as “aggravated felonies,” requiring detention during removal proceedings.  For example, an individual convicted of shoplifting a pair of $100 sunglasses might be sentenced to one year imprisonment, with service of the sentence suspended.  In other words, the criminal court would determine that that individual should not serve jail time unless they do something bad during the year of the suspended sentence.  Under IIRIRA’s overinclusive language, such an offense would be an aggravated felony and subject that individual to mandatory detention.  And IIRIRA made it clear that it did not matter when the offense occurred.  It is hard to imagine that this hypothetical defendant is a safety risk, but the law gives ICE and the immigration courts no authority to release that individual.  Third, IIRIRA created 287(g) partnerships with state and local law enforcement to enforce immigration law.  The explosion of detention is also directly related to the numbers of people coming to ICE’s attention because a local police officer pulls an immigrant over for failing to use a turn signal.  IIRIRA is the impetus to Arizona-style laws, one of the worst of which was passed in your own Alabama, Congressman.  Fourth, by creating the ten year bar to return to the U.S., IIRIRA made it close to impossible for many immigrants to regularize their status.  Thus, individuals who would have been able to obtain residence under previous laws, remained in the U.S. in unlawful status.  When encountered by ICE, they have often been detained in the discretionary determinations of ICE.  It is true that here is an area where the administration’s overuse of detention is due to the refusal to exercise favorable discretion, but please note that many of these people would be legal residents if not for the 1996 Act.  In addition, please recognize the role that the fear of Congressional rebuke plays in ICE’s decisions.  Take a look at the outcry from your colleagues when ICE released 2200 detainees last month in anticipation of the sequester.  Moreover, Congressional intent has been a key building block of the judicial decisions that have legalized the massive detention edifice.  Decisions such as the Supreme Court’s Demore v. Kim, which upheld mandatory detention, and Matter of Rojas, where the Board of Immigration Appeals decided that mandatory detention applies to people released from custody years or decades ago, are underpinned by statements that Congress intended to impose an unyielding policy of detention in IIRIRA.

Finally, Congress has provided ICE with enormous sums of money to spend on detention.  As you know, nature abhors a vacuum.  As Congress states that it intends to tighten spending, the unnecessary detention of the thousands of people who present no real danger to society should be looked at skeptically.  ICE will spend the money Congress gives it on detention.  It is up to Congress to say “no.”

Congressman, thank you for taking a stand against the overuse of detention.  We are glad to have you as an ally and hope that you use your position in Congress to advocate for more sensible immigration policies.  Thanks again for speaking out and we hope that the words are matched with action.

Sincerely,

Benach Ragland LLP

 

Benach Ragland Submits Brief in Mandatory Detention Case

21 Feb

Earlier this month, Benach Ragland authored a brief on behalf of the American Immigration Lawyers Association in the case of Michael Sylvain v. Attorney General before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit.  In Sylvain, the court must decide whether the Immigration & Nationality Act (INA) requires the detention of individuals convicted of certain offenses regardless of how long it has been since they were released from criminal custody. On behalf of AILA, Benach Ragland argued to the court that people released from custody prior to Immigration & Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) assumption of custody are entitled to a bond hearing where an immigration judge can make a determination as to whether they are flight risks or dangers to the community.  ICE argues that the INA gives immigration judges no authority to consider the release such individuals and that they must be detained for the duration of their removal proceedings regardless of how long it has been since they were convicted of an offense.

In Sylvain, the government defends a decision by the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) in Matter of Rojas.  In Rojas, the BIA decided that the mandatory detention provisions of the INA require detention without possibility of release on bond regardless of when that person was released from criminal custody.  However, the INA mandatory detention provision states that certain individuals shall be taken into custody “when the alien is released.”  The BIA decided in Rojas that that language did not limit ICE to apply mandatory detention to individuals regardless of when they were released.  Under Rojas, an individual would be subject to detention without any sort of review by a judge even if they had been released from prison a decade earlier.  As immigration judges around the country cited Rojas and explained that their hands were tied, advocates went to U.S. District Courts around the country and sought habeas corpus review.  Almost uniformly, the federal courts told the immigration service that Rojas was wrong and that the detained individual was entitled to a bond hearing.  The immigrant was then released.   ICE rarely appealed these decisions to the courts of appeals.

However, they did so in Hosh v. Lucero.  In that case, a district court judge found that Rojas was wrongly decided and ordered an immigration judge to hold a bond hearing.  However, this time, the government, sensing a possibly friendly court in the Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit, a court known for giving the government wide berth to operate, appealed the judge’s decision.  The government’s gamble paid off and the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit reversed the district court judge and deferred to the BIA’s decision in Rojas, foreclosing habeas relief in the states of the 4th Circuit (Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and West Virginia).  Although district courts in the Fourth Circuit must follow Hosh, district courts outside of the Fourth Circuit have not found Hosh terribly persuasive.

Now this issue is before the Third Circuit Court of Appeals, which encompasses New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Delaware, in Sylvain.  A decision rejecting Rojas would create a split between the Third and the Fourth Circuits, possibly leading the way to Supreme Court review.  Oral argument is coming next month and we will report from the argument and when a decision comes down.

Opportunity Lost- Administration Seeks Supreme Court Review of De Osorio

26 Jan

On the same day that the immigration world was abuzz with news that the President would unveil his immigration reform plan next week, the administration filed a brief to preserve the unnecessary family separation caused by its cramped  understanding of the Child Status Protection Act reflected in the Board of Immigration Appeals decision in Matter of Wang.  The juxtaposition of the prospect of common sense immigration reform with the wholly unnecessary appeal of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit’s decision in Cuellar de Osorio v. Mayorkas provides significant doubt that the administration really understands the pain caused to American families by the immigration laws and the decisions that the administration takes on a daily basis that make those immigration laws worse than perhaps Congress even intended.  When the administration is more restrictive then Congress, that is a sorry state of affairs.

Enough editorializing.  We can write more about what a disastrous decision this was for the administration once emotions are less raw.  For now, we will focus on what happens.

The administration has filed a petition for a writ of certiorari to the Supreme Court to review the decision of the 9th Circuit.  A writ of certiorari is a statement from the Supreme Court that they will review a case.  “I will review” is the basic Latin translation of certiorari.  By petitioning for the writ, the government is asking the court to review a case.  Review at the Supreme Court is discretionary, meaning that the Supreme Court does not review all cases in which certiorari is sought.  In fact, the Supreme Court rejects the overwhelming majority of cert petitions filed each year.  The Supreme Court grants only about 2% of all petitions for certiorari. That might be comforting, but the odds are improved when the petitioner is the Department of Justice, as it is here.  In addition, other factors, such as the split between circuit courts to have reviewed the CSPA, and the national implications of the decision are factors that indicate that the government’s petition for a writ of certiorari in de Osorio are better than the 2% average.

The Supreme Court will vote on whether to hear the case.  Four justices must vote in the affirmative to hear the case. It is difficult to say when the Supreme Court will rule on whether to grant certiorari.  A good discussion of Supreme Court procedure can be found here. If the Supreme Court denies the petition for certiorari, the decision of the Ninth Circuit will stand.  If the Supreme Court grants the petition, it will receive briefs from the parties and all sorts of other interested people and organizations.  It will hold oral argument.  It is unlikely that the Supreme Court will hold oral argument before October as the Court recesses from June to October.  A decision would likely come about a year from now.

So, there remain two more opportunities to end this struggle.  The first chance is whether the Supreme Court grants cert.  The second is when, if it grants cert, it decides on the case.

There remains substantial hope.  The lawyers handling this are some of the best in the business.  Many other interested parties will weigh in.  Benach Ragland will continue to be a part of this litigation and continue to advocate for sane immigration laws.  Also, cert is rarely granted.  The government still has an uphill road to follow.  This is a setback and not a defeat.

Time to Decide in de Osorio

24 Jan

The Obama administration has until tomorrow January 25, 2013 to file a petition for a writ of certiorari with the U.S. Supreme Court to seek review of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit decision in Cuellar de Osorio v. Mayorkas, which provided a humane and reasonable interpretation of the Child Status Protection Act.  If the government does not seek review in the Supreme Court, the decision of the 9th Circuit becomes law nationwide and thousands of people will be eligible to apply for adjustment of status using their old priority dates.

If the government does seek review, the case will remain on hold.  However, a petition for a writ of certiorari does not mean that the Supreme Court will take the case.  The Supreme Court does not take every case that comes before it and must agree to hear the case.  If the Supreme Court declines to hear the case, then the 9th Circuit decision becomes law.  If the Supreme Court takes the case, we will need to wait for a ruling from the Court before knowing the fate of the de Osorio class of potential applicants.

We have explained in multiple posts the reasons why the government should let the de Osorio decision stand and how this single act could improve the immigration system for thousands of American families.  In the week of the President’s inauguration with its soaring hopes and promises, the President has an immediate opportunity to translate those words into policy and law.  Let’s hope he takes it.

Supreme Court Argument in Chaidez v. United States

2 Nov

So I went up to the Supreme Court yesterday to hear argument in Chaidez v. United States, No. 11-820. Chaidez concerns the straightforward question whether the Court’s decision in Padilla v. Kentucky, 130 S. Ct. 1473 (2010), applies retroactively – i.e., to defendants whose convictions became final prior to its issuance two years ago. Jeffrey Fisher from Stanford Law School’s Supreme Court Litigation Clinic argued on behalf of Ms. Chaidez, and Michael Dreeben from the Solicitor General’s office on behalf of the government. Spirited arguments from both sides. Shout out to Friend of BR Chuck Roth from the National Immigrant Justice Center in Chicago, who sat right up front at counsel table with the other legal hotshots.

First off, I have to say I love attending arguments at the Supreme Court. I’m an unapologetic con-law nerd, and watching argument is like political theatre for lawyers. It doesn’t even have to be an immigration case – even the dreariest dormant commerce clause dispute can be enthralling when you have the wisecracking Justice Scalia, the sharp-tongued Justice Ginsburg, and the gesticulating Justice Breyer on the bench. You can keep your Arena Stage and Shakespeare Theatre – for me, 1 First St., NE is where the drama really unfolds.

In Padilla, the Court held that a criminal defendant is deprived of effective assistance of counsel, in violation of her Sixth Amendment rights, when her trial counsel fails to advise her that accepting a guilty plea may result in near-certain deportation. Padilla involved a plea to a charge of transporting marijuana, which qualified as both a deportable controlled substance offense, INA §237(a)(2)(B)(i), and an aggravated felony drug trafficking offense, INA §101(a)(43)(B). In 2003, Ms. Chaidez, on advice of counsel, pled guilty to mail fraud and was ordered to pay more than $22,000 in restitution, making her crime an aggravated felony “offense involving fraud or deceit in which the loss to the victim exceeds $10,000,” INA §101(a)(43)(M)(i).

Padilla announced that such ineffective assistance with respect to deportation consequences – an issue collateral to the criminal proceedings but nonetheless a “matter of great importance” to noncitizen criminal defendants – “is not categorically removed from the ambit of the Sixth Amendment right to counsel.” 130 S. Ct. at 1482, 1484. Such constitutionally deficient representation satisfies the first prong of the test articulated in Strickland v. Washington, 466 U.S. 668 (1984), and where a defendant also proves the second prong – that she was prejudiced by her attorney’s ineffective assistance – the conviction is constitutionally infirm and the post-conviction relief sought (typically via habeas corpus or writ of coram nobis) should be granted. But Padilla did not address whether its holding applies retroactively to cases brought on collateral review.

To answer the retroactivity question, the parties in Chaidez turned to Teague v. Lane, 489 U.S. 288 (1989), which held that a decision that merely applied an established rule to the facts of a particular case applies retroactively to convictions that are already final. But where a rule of criminal procedure “breaks new ground or imposes a new obligation on the States or the Federal Government,” the rule does not apply retroactively to cases on collateral review. Teague, 489 U.S. at 301. The government argued that Teague controls and Padilla announced a new rule, hence it does not apply retroactively. Counsel for Ms. Chaidez countered that Padilla was merely the application of existing precedent (Strickland) to a new set of facts, and, moreover, that the Court should say Teague does not even apply where a case is on the equivalent of direct review – i.e., a first challenge to the trial court’s decision, which in the plea context only occurs upon habeas or coram nobis review because direct appeal has been waived.

In yesterday’s argument, Mr. Fisher declared that Padilla did not announce a new rule because the Court’s decision was “dictated by precedent,” namely Strickland, and it “simply applied Strickland’s formula of assessing attorney performance according to prevailing professional norms to a new set of facts.” Mr. Dreeben, by contrast, maintained that Padilla “announced a new rule within the meaning of Teague” because, in part, no prior Supreme Court decision “had ever held that the obligations of a criminal defense lawyer under the Sixth Amendment extended” to accurately advising a defendant of deportation consequences. In other words, Padilla “broke new ground” because it cannot be said that “any reasonable jurist would have reached [the] result” announced in Padilla – as evidenced by near unanimity among the lower courts that there exists no Sixth Amendment obligation for counsel to accurately advise a client of potential collateral consequences, including deportation consequences.

The points raised at argument tracked, to a significant degree, the arguments presented in the respective parties’ briefs. There were no real bombshells, no clear “gotcha” moments, and it’s difficult to predict the outcome of the case, although it seems likely to be a split opinion along the same lines as Padilla. Justice Scalia implied as much when he asked Mr. Fisher whether he would agree that those who dissented in Padilla (Justices Scalia and Thomas, with Justice Alito and Chief Justice Roberts in concurrence) would regard it as announcing a new rule. Mr. Fisher: “That’s a tricky question to answer, Justice Scalia.” Justice Scalia: “Well, I think it’s an easy question to answer.” Sustained laughter in the courtroom. No ambiguity there.

But certain moments did stand out, moments which give cause for optimism that the Court may issue a favorable ruling – namely, that Padilla does apply retroactively, because it was merely an application of Strickland and did not announce a new rule under Teague. As Mr. Fisher observed in his opening remarks, in the 20 years since Teague was decided, more than a dozen cases have been presented to the Supreme Court involving post-conviction claims based on ineffective assistance of counsel, and the Court “has never once held that applying Strickland in those [various cases] constituted a new rule.” To do so in this case would be a first. He also effectively pressed the point that Padilla did not hold that Strickland extends to all collateral consequences of a conviction, but only that “advice concerning deportation consequences of a guilty plea are not categorically removed from the Sixth Amendment.”

Mr. Fisher described the lower courts’ contrary holdings, prior to Padilla, as creating an “artificial restriction on Strickland” that the Court should now correct. He noted also the helpful language in Williams v. Taylor, 529 U.S. 362 (2000), paraphrasing the Court that “Strickland provides sufficient guidance to resolve virtually every ineffective assistance claim.” Consequently, even in different factual scenarios, no new ground is broken and no new rule arises because “so long as you simply applied Strickland, you wouldn’t create a new rule.” Persuasive also was his reminder that Padilla was not the first decision to recognize the importance of deportation consequences, because nine years earlier the Court had observed that “[p]reserving the client’s right to remain in the United States may be more important to the client than any potential jail sentence.” INS v. St. Cyr, 533 U.S. 289, 323 (2001). As Mr. Fisher put it in response to a question from Justice Kagan, “even if you needed more than Strickland itself” to decide this issue, “St. Cyr gave that to you in 2001 … it was enough to decide Padilla.”

In response to concerns raised by Justices Alito and Kennedy about the finality of criminal convictions, particularly where claims might be brought years later in a writ of coram nobis, Mr. Fisher again turned to Strickland’s statement that “no different rules ought to apply in collateral proceedings [than] in direct review,” because the Court assumed in both Strickland and in Padilla that “all of these claims would be on collateral review.” Thus, “the very concern you mentioned, Justice Kennedy, is already baked into the Strickland formula.” Furthermore, Mr. Fisher’s efforts to collapse the distinction, for Sixth Amendment purposes, between an attorney’s affirmative misadvice and mere failure to properly advise – between, as Padilla put it, acts of commission and acts of omission – was key to his argument. He was aided by the majority opinion’s discussion in Padilla, which acknowledged support for this distinction among the lower courts but declared that such a limited holding would invite “absurd results.” Padilla, 130 S. Ct. 1484.

When Mr. Dreeben stood up, he wasn’t even allowed to complete his first sentence before Justice Sotomayor asked him about the omission-commission distinction. In response, he conceded that “Padilla didn’t distinguish between misadvice and omissions to give advice” and maintained that applying Sixth Amendment protections to either would qualify as a new rule under Teague, thus “neither is retroactive.” He went on to discuss the lower courts’ refusal to find constitutional deficiency where the ineffective assistance related to collateral consequences – including deportation consequences – and acknowledged that those decisions arose primarily in cases involving affirmative misadvice. In Mr. Dreeben’s words, “a client has a constitutional right to make his or her own decision about whether to plead guilty; and a lawyer has a constitutional duty not to get in the way of that by affirmatively skewing the client’s ability to make that choice.” But he emphasized that prior to Padilla, “[n]o decision of this Court had ever held that the obligations of a criminal defense lawyer under the Sixth Amendment extended to” a collateral consequence, i.e. “a consequence that would not be administered in the criminal case itself.” To my mind, this among the government’s strongest arguments. As Mr. Dreeben insisted, “Padilla broke new ground because it answered the question, not how does Strickland apply, but whether it applies at all to something outside the compass of the sentencing court.”

In the end, the outcome in Chaidez will turn on whether the Court interprets Padilla as breaking new ground or merely applying the established rule in Strickland to a new set of facts. Justice Kennedy noted that “one of the principal sources the Court cited in Padilla,” for extending Sixth Amendment protections to the collateral issue of deportation consequences “was common sense.” And as an immigration lawyer, it’s hard to deny that what the Court did in Padilla felt novel and momentous – and the past two years have only confirmed that impression. As my partner Andres Benach remarked on the day the decision was issued, “Padilla is a game-changer.” As Mr. Dreeben effectively argued, “My test for Teague new rules is this Court’s test: Whether the decision was dictated by precedent so that any reasonable jurist would have reached that result, or, to put it another way, that no reasonable jurist could not have.” To hold that Padilla applies retroactively would require the Court to find that nearly every lower court that had addressed the question prior to Padilla simply got it wrong. That those courts erred by failing to apprehend that Sixth Amendment protections do extend to advice by trial counsel regarding deportation consequences, and that this rule was dictated by precedent, namely Strickland. Although, as Justice Sotomayor retorted, “So unanimous error makes right?”

In his brief rebuttal, Mr. Fisher returned to the distinction between affirmative misadvice and failure to advise, and insisted that the government’s case cannot withstand the Court’s collapsing of that distinction. He argued, “The only thing [Mr. Dreeben] relies on in the end is this distinction the lower courts had drawn between acts and omissions. And that’s exactly the distinction in Strickland that this Court rejected” and which Padilla described as “absurd.”

Did Padilla break new ground and announce a new rule, or was the result dictated by an existing rule of law, as set forth in Strickland? We’ll find out in a few months’ time.

Aggfel & CIMT Victory in Arlington Immigration Court

22 Oct

We prevailed in a long-fought case this week in the Arlington Immigration Court. The Immigration Judge granted our motion to terminate proceedings, agreeing that our client’s conviction in Virginia for attempted sexual battery was neither an aggravated felony nor a crime involving moral turpitude (CIMT), and that he is not deportable as result of the offense. (IJ Decision – redacted.) But that’s hardly the entire story …

In September 2008, our client Y— pled guilty and was convicted of attempted sexual battery in violation of Va. Code §18.2-67.5(c), sentenced to 11 months imprisonment (all suspended), plus 1 year of supervised probation. In March 2010, he was arrested by ICE and sent to Hampton Roads Regional Jail. DHS charged him with (1) aggravated felony “sexual abuse of a minor” and (2) CIMT within 5 years of admission. He appeared for four consecutive master calendar hearings, during which the government sought to introduce new evidence and just delayed the proceedings, before the family hired us the day before the fifth MCH. We stayed up late preparing a lengthy motion for bond redetermination, arguing that his offense did not qualify as an aggravated felony, thus he wasn’t subject to mandatory detention and should be released on bond, and we filed and argued it the next day. The IJ agreed, rejected the aggfel charge, conducted a bond hearing, and ordered Y— released on $10K bond. The very next day, DHS not only appealed the IJ’s bond order, it also invoked the “automatic stay” under 8 C.F.R. §1003.19(i)(2) in order to prevent our client from bonding out of ICE custody.

Certain that Y— was not subject to mandatory detention, we promptly filed a writ of habeas corpus in the US District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, challenging our client’s continued custody under the automatic stay provision. We argued that 8 C.F.R. §1003.19(i)(2) is ultra vires to the statute, because it grants DHS unchecked ability to override an IJ’s bond decision under INA §236(a), without having to demonstrate why continued detention is warranted. At the next MCH one week later, DHS relented and withdrew the automatic stay. The family posted bond and Y— was released from ICE custody after a 2-month ordeal. But DHS persisted with the bond appeal, insisting that our client’s conviction was an aggravated felony.

The Board of Immigration Appeals disagreed (BIA Decision – redacted.) The Board agreed with us that under the categorical approach, Y—’s conviction is not an aggravated felony because the Virginia statute under which he was convicted lacks an element requiring that the victim be a minor, or specifying the age of the victim. The BIA then remanded the case to the Immigration Court. Having lost on the aggfel charge, DHS turned its focus to the CIMT ground of deportability. The government argued that although neither the categorical nor the modified categorical approach reveals that Y—’s offense is a CIMT, under Step Three of Matter of Silva-Trevino, the IJ should consider evidence from outside the record of conviction that purportedly demonstrated our client’s conduct was morally turpitudinous.

In October 2011, we filed our first motion to terminate, arguing that Silva-Trevino was wrongly decided because it conflicts with Fourth Circuit law, Supreme Court jurisprudence, and decades of adherence to the traditional categorical and modified categorical approach. DHS did not respond. After the Fourth Circuit rejected Silva-Trevino in Prudencio v. Holder, 669 F.3d 472 (4th Cir. 2012), we filed a supplemental motion to terminate based on intervening precedent. Again DHS did not respond, so we filed a notice of non-opposition, urging the IJ to rule on our long-pending motion to terminate. On the day of Y—’s next MCH in May 2012, DHS filed its brief in opposition, arguing now that attempted sexual battery in Virginia is categorically a CIMT. Despite having previously conceded that moral turpitude could not be discerned until Silva-Trevino Step Three, the government now urged the court to find that Y—’s conviction is a CIMT at Step One, because “moral turpitude is intrinsic to all offenses that have a realistic probability of being prosecuted” under the Virginia statute.

We filed one more lengthy brief in opposition, challenging the government’s categorical argument, maintaining that application of the “realistic probability” test articulated in Gonzales v. Duenas-Alvarez, 549 U.S. 183 (2007) – which was adopted by Silva-Trevino – was improper, and noting that DHS cited no authority for its contention that every conviction under Va. Code §18.2-67.5(c) is inherently a moral turpitude crime. Again DHS did not reply, and we anxiously anticipated a ruling at the next MCH in November.

But the IJ was finally persuaded and apparently didn’t need to hear any more. He granted our motion to terminate, found that DHS had failed to sustain its charges of removability, and terminated proceedings. After a 2½ year struggle, including seven hearings in Immigration Court, a failed DHS appeal to the BIA, habeas corpus proceedings in ED Va., and numerous rounds of briefing and re-briefing, we finally prevailed. Our client can now move on with his life, refocus on work and family, and put this agonizing chapter behind him. A very satisfying victory for the Benach Ragland team.

Citizenship

7 Sep

Last night, the President spoke to the Democratic National Convention about those characteristics that define what it means to be a citizen.  It is a word that gets used quite a bit.  But, like freedom, love, and beauty, it is a quality that can not be physically embraced, but exists entirely independently in our hearts and minds.  U.S. citizenship is not based upon ethnic origin, religion, political opinion, gender, sexual orientation,  or any other characteristic.  It is based upon the acceptance of a certain set of ideas, ideas that have resonated for nearly three centuries and have attracted millions of people to our shores.

We spend a lot of time at Benach Ragland on citizenship.  There are few things that give me as much pride as helping someone obtain citizenship.  There are lots of very good practical reasons why someone can want citizenship.  You can bring over certain family members more easily, you can travel outside the country for longer periods of time without fearing loss of your status, you can vote, run for certain offices, obtain certain federal jobs,  and you can pay lower taxes in some circumstances.  These are just a few of the benefits one gets by obtaining citizenship.  Yet, invariably, when I ask people why they want to be citizens, they never mention any of those things.  They state that this is their home, their country, and they want to feel closer.  They want to dive deeper into our community.  Often, they can’t express it so easily.  They are trying to explain an idea or a feeling and words are always more difficult for those abstract concepts.

I have seen people fight extraordinarily hard for their citizenship.  It is easy to understand why someone would fight for residence or against removal.  When the choice is between staying here or being returned to their home country, they will fight to remain.  But, in most citizenship cases, the fight is whether a person will remain a resident or become a citizen.  If the person loses, she is still a resident and the status quo is unchanged.  Yet, people will fight hard for the right to be citizens.  I believe that people fight so hard because they believe in it so deeply.  This is not about tax benefits or travel documents, but a sense of identity.  They feel American and want citizenship to validate that feeling to show that they are a part of a community.

Take our client Jamal Abusamhadameh, who had to go to federal court to get citizenship.  He had a four year fight for citizenship, during which the government accused him of all manner of terribleness.  It took a federal judge 90 pages to dismantle all of the government’s disinformation and reach that most obvious of findings- that Mr. Abusamhadameh possessed the good moral character to obtain citizenship.  The case caused Mr. Abusamhadameh enormous stress and plenty of money, but he persevered because he wanted to be a part of this community and was willing to fight for it.

I have a stash of greeting cards that were produced by the American Immigration Council.  They have a black and white picture of an immigrant family looking at the Statue of Liberty.  When a client obtains citizenship, I write a handwritten note on those cards congratulating them and reminding them what they told me months ago about why they wanted to be a citizen.  I don’t send these cards routinely for any other cases.  It just seems that citizenship is different.

This same commitment to an idea drives the DREAMers.  The DREAMers, while not seeking citizenship today, feel American.  They want to be a part of our community.  Despite the odds, they have flourished and want nothing more than a chance to go to college, have a meaningful career, join the military and be a part of our economic, cultural and social fabric.

Last night, the President said, “As Americans, we believe we are endowed by our Creator with certain inalienable rights – rights that no man or government can take away.  We insist on personal responsibility and we celebrate individual initiative.  We’re not entitled to success.  We have to earn it.  We honor the strivers, the dreamers, the risk-takers who have always been the driving force behind our free enterprise system – the greatest engine of growth and prosperity the world has ever known.”

To me, he was talking about immigrants- those who took the risk to leave behind their old country and risked everything for a chance to fulfill their potential and to join a community of others who believe in the virtues of American life and government.  In a word, he was talking about those who dare to dream that they, too, can be citizens.

 

The Problem with Non-citizen Voting

27 Aug

There is a lot in the news about unlawful voting these days.  Many states have enacted laws that require specific forms of voter identification before one can step into a voting booth.  Voting experts state that voter fraud is infinitesimally small, but the concern over ineligible people voting has grown despite the lack of evidence of its ubiquity.  The consequences for the non citizen who votes are drastic.  Unlawful voting is a ground of deportability and a ground of inadmissibility.  It is a basis for denial of citizenship.  However, removability can not be established by simply showing that an individual voted.  Such voting must be in violation of  law.  Many criminal statutes require knowledge that the act is illegal for conviction.  Others, known as strict liability offenses, are crimes regardless of the level of knowledge.  In addition, since the ground of removability requires that a violation of law occurred when the individual voted, defenses and procedural protections that attach to criminal prosecution must be in the mix when evaluating removability.  Courts have struggled with the overly harsh potential immigration consequences of a finding of a violation of law.  They have demanded that immigration courts dive deeply into the facts to determine if a violation of law occurred.

On August 22, 2012, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit issued two decisions regarding the immigration consequences of voting by non-citizens.  The outcomes are widely divergent and emphasize the importance of a careful and through recitation of the facts in cases where voting by non-citizens arises.    In Kimani v. Holder, the Court upheld the finding of inadmissibility for voting in violation of federal law against petitioner Kimani.  The Court found that Kimani had falsely represented himself as a U.S. citizen and voted in violation of federal law.  However, in Keathley v. Holder, the Court sent the case back to the immigration judge to determine if Keathley made any representations of U.S. citizenship in registering to vote and to determine what the motor vehicle officials, who registered her to vote, understood her status to be.  The Court noted that the immigration judge found Keathley to be credible, but  felt that he could not consider any legal defenses to whether Keathley voted illegally.  The Court of Appeals held that any legal defenses to the crime of unlawful voting had to be considered in immigration proceedings and the immigration judge had to make findings on relevant factual issues.  The court determined that the case had to return to the immigration judge so that the judge could hear the testimony and reach factual conclusions.  The difference between these two decisions comes down to the particular facts of the acts of registering to vote and of voting.  In Kimani, the court found that the voting was a function of dishonesty and an effort to represent oneself as a citizen, whereas in Keathley, the court concluded that “a person who behaves with scrupulous honesty only to be misled by a state official should be welcome in the country.”

Last year, we represented a Palestinian man who volunteered in his citizenship interview that he had voted in a referendum election where a measure for a tax increase in support of the Mt. Healthy School District was on the ballot.  This was not a federal election, so only Ohio state law was implicated.  Our client registered to vote within a few days of arriving into the US as a permanent resident.  He went to obtain a driver’s license and was asked by the Ohio DMV official if he wanted to register to vote.  He asked her if he was allowed to vote and she told him “yes, in America, everyone can vote.”  He received his voter registration card in the mail and received notice of an election and went to vote on the tax measure.  When he went to vote, he produced his permanent resident card (green card) to the voting official, who asked if he had anything else.  When he produced a driver’s license, she sent him to the booth.  He left happy and proud, thinking that he had joined an important American tradition.  He did not think about it again until he applied for citizenship and he provided the full details to the immigration official, who asked him to obtain his registration documents from the Ohio Board of Elections.  He did so, and handed the government the documents it used to support its charges in removal proceedings that he voted in violation of law.  How’s that as a reward for scrupulous honesty?  In removal proceedings, we convinced an immigration judge that our client had no intention to violate the law and believed, based upon multiple official representations, that he was allowed to vote.  We argued that the Ohio statute requires a willful violation of law and he did not intentionally violate the law.  The judge found our client completely credible and terminated removal proceedings.  It is worth mentioning that the government behaved atrociously in this case, fighting his removal tooth and nail, despite the overwhelming evidence that he did not intentionally violate the law.  This even occurred in the beginning months of prosecutorial discretion, whose spirit did not trickle down to the office of chief counsel in Cleveland, Ohio.   Although our client ultimately prevailed, it took him two years to work through the maze of immigration court, when the government could have and should have ended the matter far sooner.

The Republican Party has endorsed state voter id laws in its 2012 platform.  Although voter fraud is exceedingly rare, it is likely that if provisions of the voter id plank in the GOP platform were to be enacted, we will see further idiocies like the one Cleveland Immigration & Customs Enforcement put our client through.

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