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Benach Ragland News

1 May

Raising the barIt has been a busy and exciting few weeks at Benach Ragland.  From immigration reform rallies to dramatic courtroom victories, BR has had a month to remember.

Starting off, courtroom victories are the reason we do what we do.  Three major courtroom victories this month have lifted everyone’s spirits.  First, Andres Benach presented seven hours of testimony and 747 pages of documentary evidence to the immigration court in Pennsylvania over two days in winning a 212(h) waiver for a permanent resident convicted of an aggravated felony.  Legally, this victory was only made possible as Circuit Courts around the country, including the one in Pennsylvania, have decided that the plain language of  INA 212(h) allows certain permanent residents convicted of aggravated felonies to seek the waiver.  This was an unheard of notion about five years ago when the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit in Texas decided the case of Martinez v. Mukasey that opened this door.  At the time, we told our client that his only hope was that the logic of Martinez would also be accepted in the Third Circuit, where he was facing removal proceedings.  In September, a decision called Hanif v. Attorney General did just that and we were able to put on the case.  Overcoming the aggravated felony, showing the Judge that the family would suffer extreme hardship without the husband/ father and demonstrating that our client deserved this second chance took every bit of energy and evidence we could muster.  When the Judge finally ruled, the entire family broke down in tears relieved that the threat of deportation had been eliminated. Second, Dree Collopy wrapped up a long and emotional saga when her client was granted adjustment of status without a whisper of opposition from DHS.  After years of fighting DHS on the case, Dree overwhelmed the government with evidence and reason, such that DHS agreed to her client’s adjustment.  Dree’s client, Sophie, is BR’s May 2013 Client of the Month and you can read more about her here.  Finally, Thomas Ragland was hired on Thursday, worked all weekend, and destroyed the government’s case on Tuesday.  A case that had lasted for several years where the government insisted that the client had committed fraud, when she had not, was wrapped up with a burst of activity from Thomas and Senior Paralegal Cyndy Ramirez, who with bulldog tenacity unraveled the truth of the case and set up the victory in court.  These cases represent the best of why we do what we do.  People’s lives are changed for the better and the emotional release of knowing that the immigration Sword of Damocles has been removed is a feeling every lawyer should get to know.  But, be careful, that feeling is highly addictive.

It is no wonder, with cases like these, that Andres Benach, Thomas Ragland and Dree Collopy were all recognized as Super Lawyers for 2013.  Every year, Thompson Reuters produces its Super Lawyers list and BR lawyers have been a regular fixture on the Super Lawyers list.  Joining Andres and Thomas this year, Dree Collopy was named a “Rising Star.”  We think that Dree is already a star and that it just takes some longer to recognize it.

At the same time, BR served the community.  BR’s goodwill ambassadors Sandra Arboleda, Mariela Sanchez and Liana Montecinos supported the April 10 immigration rally and BR was the only law firm to attend the Maryland Council for American-Islamic Relations awards dinner on Sunday, April 28.  BR even received a shout-out from Imam Johari from the Dar-el-Hijra mosque for our work on a naturalization case for one of their congregants.  Also, last night (April 30), Benach Ragland was honored as a Platinum Member of the DC Bar’s Raising the Bar effort to support access to justice programs.  Jen Cook, who has spearheaded this effort at BR, was on hand to receive the award, which was bestowed by Georgetown Law School Dean Peter Edelman who noted that Jen was once a student of his.

Lastly, BR attorneys have criss-crossed the country educating lawyers on the challenges of immigration law.  Thomas Ragland addressed the Upper Midwest Chapter of the American Immigration Lawyers Association.  Andres Benach went to Chicago to discuss the obligations of defense counsel in advising their foreign born clients on the immigration consequences of conviction with lawyers from the American Bar Association Section of Litigation and will speak tomorrow on Provisional Waivers and also Prosecutorial Discretion at the National Immigration Project’s annual conference in Boston.

Spring certainly has been busy and gratifying at Benach Ragland.  May looks no different with challenging cases looming.  Benach Ragland law clerk Prerna Lal will graduate from law school, marking another step towards joining BR as a lawyer after the Bar exam.  It is all exciting and we are loving every minute of it.

How would a Supreme Court ruling striking down DOMA affect immigration?

27 Mar

Theya & Edie

One of the biggest immigration cases of the current Supreme Court terms is not about immigration at all.  Today, March 27, 2013, the Court heard arguments in U.S. v. Windsor, a case that is about the validity of a same-sex marriage and its recognition under U.S. law.  In 2007, Edie Windsor married her longtime partner, Theya Speyer in Canada, which allows same-sex marriage.  When Speyer died in 2009, Windsor was hit with a $363,000 tax bill that she would not have been required to pay if Speyer had been a man.  Federal law passed in 1996, the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), prohibited the federal government from recognizing Windsor and Speyer’s marriage and disallowed Windsor from claiming an exemption to the federal estate tax.  Windsor sued and prevailed in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.  The government, now being represented by conservative members of the House of Representatives because the Justice Department refuses to defend the Act, sought Supreme Court review and the Justices heard the case today.  A decision is due by June.  According to Supreme  Court guru and editor of the SCOTUSblog.com, Tom Goldstein, there appears to be the votes to invalidate DOMA.  Given our confidence in Tom Goldstein’s analysis, we provide our own analysis how the demise of DOMA would affect immigration law.

First, DOMA prohibits the federal government from recognizing same-sex marriages legally performed in U.S. states.  Currently, there are nine states, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Vermont, New Hampshire, Maine, New York, Iowa, Maryland, Washington and the District of Columbia, that allow same-sex couples to get married.  Presumably some of those marriages would be between an American citizen and a foreign national.  However, while an American citizen can file an immigrant petition on behalf of their foreign national opposite-sex spouse, DOMA prevents the approval of an immigrant petition by an American citizen in a same-sex marriage.  Although the marriage between the two men or two women is perfectly legal in the state in which it was performed, DOMA relieves the federal government from recognizing that marriage.  Therefore, a U.S. citizen can not sponsor their foreign same-sex spouse for residence.

The inability of a U.S. citizen to sponsor their foreign spouse has led many binational couples to pursue very unconventional solutions to live together in the U.S. We have seen individuals take the long, difficult and expensive route to seek their residence because the simple path is foreclosed.  In addition, we have seen adoptions between partners, the establishment of businesses to bring their spouse-employee to the U.S., and desperate resort to fake marriages.  When a law causes good people to break the law, there is often something wrong with the law.  If DOMA is struck down, a U.S. citizen could file an immigrant petition on behalf of their same-sex spouse and have the same expectation of approval as a heterosexual couple has.

Second, same-sex spouses could serve as “qualifying relatives” for relief from removal.  Foreign nationals facing removal often can seek to avoid removal by applying for relief from removal.  Many of these forms of relief require a demonstration of hardship to a U.S. citizen or permanent resident spouse.  In the past, one member of a same sex couple could face removal and not be eligible to apply for relief due to the absence of a spouse, regardless of how long that individual were in a relationship with an American of the same sex.

Third, it may help multinational corporations transfer employees more easily.  U.S. law provides for temporary visa for foreign employees needed in the U.S.  Spouses and children of the foreign employee are entitled to derivative visas.  However, same-sex spouses do not get the same benefit and key employees do refuse transfer to the U.S. due to the inability of their same-sex spouse to join them.  DOMA’s prohibitions deprive U.S. business of workers they have determined they need.

DOMA’s demise would be a very good thing for the development of immigration law.  The pernicious effect of DOMA on the lives of thousands of Americans and their partners/ spouses has led Immigration Equality, the nation’s leading LGBT immigrant rights organization, to file suit on behalf of five gay binational couples challenging DOMA in the immigration context.  Those cases are on hold pending the Supreme Court’s decision in Windsor.  We are hopeful that the Supreme Court makes the Immigration Equality suits moot.

Could Bar Rafaeli seek asylum for refusal to join the Israeli Defense Forces?

19 Mar

Bar Refaeli Host a 'Lexus' Party in Madrid

Yesterday, we had some fun noting that Israeli supermodel Bar Rafaeli had drawn the rhetorical fire of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) due to her failure to serve the two years of service in the IDF required of all Israeli citizensWe offered Ms. Rafaeli a free consultation so she could consider a claim to asylum on account of forced conscription into the Israeli Army.  As far as we know, she has not yet availed herself of our very generous offer.  So, we will share our thoughts here for her to review in the privacy of her home.

However, it did occur to us that many people are unaware of how conscription laws worldwide may impact eligibility for asylum.  Many individuals have obtained asylum in the U.S. due to their philosophical refusal to serve in their home country’s armed forces.  As a general rule, asylum law starts from the proposition that a nation has the right to conscript its citizens into the armed forces.  Conscription is the common practice in which a country forces its citizens to serve the armed forces.   Refusal to accept conscription into the armed forces is not ordinarily sufficient to establish that one is a refugee deserving of asylum.  However, asylum law recognizes two exceptions to this general rule.  First, conscription into the armed forces may constitute persecution if punishment for refusal to accept conscription is meted out exclusively to individuals based upon their race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group.  So, if only members of one religion in a religiously pluralistic society were punished for refusal to serve in the armed forces, that may constitute persecution.  The second exception is where service in the armed forces would require the individual to commit war crimes or crimes against humanity.  If the armed forces were routinely engaged in war crimes or crimes against humanity, the punishment of an individual’s refusal to serve may also constitute persecution worthy of protection under U.S. asylum law.

How do these factors effect the Bar Rafaeli case?  As an aside, we have no reason to believe that Ms. Rafaeli did not serve in the IDF for philosophical or political reasons.  We have no reason to believe that the Israeli government seeks to punish Ms. Rafaeli.  We just think that this is a fun intellectual exercise.  If Ms. Rafaeli were actually facing punishment for her refusal to join the IDF, could she obtain asylum in the U.S.?

As we said earlier, conscription, in and of itself, will not serve as a basis for a claim to asylum.  The first exception to this rule, if punishment for refusal to serve is forced only upon certain groups of individuals in a society, does not seem to apply as Israeli conscription is universal and there is no evidence that punishment for refusal to serve is forced only upon particular races, religions, nationalities, political groups, or members of particular social groups.  The second exception to the rule is if conscription into the IDF would force Ms. Rafaeli to engage in human rights abuses.  Certainly, there are many armed forces worldwide that commit war crimes and crimes against humanity.  Right now, the Syrian Army is engaged in war crimes and crimes against humanity on a daily basis.  Years ago, we won asylum for a Russian man who reserved to serve in the Russian Army due to the activities of the Russian Army in Chechnya.

Does the IDF fit this mold?  Can it be shown that the IDF engages in war crimes or crimes against humanity?  How does this work?  This exception implicates one of the epic immigration cases of all time: M.A. v. I.N.S., 899 F.2d 304 (4th Cir 1990).  This case was argued before the entire Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals in October 1989.  Arguing for the immigrant, a Salvadoran who refused to join the Salvadoran army during the peak of that country’s vicious civil war, was William van Wyke, a passionate defender of immigrant rights who went on to become an immigration judge.  Also involved was John Bolton, who went on to become a prominent figure in the George W. Bush administration.  Arthur Helton, one of the great human rights lawyers of all time and a victim of the attack on the UN compound in Iraq in 2003, also supported the immigrant.  M.A. was a Salvadoran man who refused to join his country’s military because of the Salvadoran military’s shameful record of gross human rights abuses.  He argued that if he did not resist conscription he would be forced to commit such atrocities or be killed for refusing to do so.  He submitted voluminous reports showing from Human Rights watch, Amnesty International and other highly credible human rights organizations to document the military’s role in these atrocities.  Yet, the Board of Immigration Appeals and the 4th Circuit rejected this evidence and demanded that there be international condemnation by other governments to establish the violations of the law of war or the commission of crimes against humanity.  Non-governmental organizations, even those with decades of expertise in human rights issues and researchers ion the ground, could not provide evidence that would satisfy this standard.  As the U.S., at the time, failed to condemn the Salvadoran military for these atrocities, M.A. lost.

So back to the question: Could Ms. Rafaeli prove that the IDF is engaged in violations of the law of war or the commission of crimes against humanity?  Certainly, there are many NGOs that would say that the IDF does.  But has there been governmental sanction of the IDF?  While the U.S. has condemned the building of settlements in the occupied territories, the U.S. has not condemned the IDF’s actions against civilians during military excursions in Gaza and Lebanon.  Moreover, the U.S. has used its power to stop the U.N. from condemning Israel.  We are not expressing an opinion on whether the IDF has committed crimes against humanity.  However, we do note that there is plenty of information that indicates that this is the case, while at the same time noting that the U.S. government has not accepted such criticism.  These facts seem strikingly similar to the situation in M.A. where the NGOs were vociferous in their condemnation fo El Salvador, but the governments were more restrained in their criticism.  The BIA and the 4th circuit deemed this insufficient to establish that an individual conscripted into the armed forces would face persecution and Ms. Rafaeli would likely fail to gain asylum as M.A. did.

Benach Ragland Submits Brief in Mandatory Detention Case

21 Feb

Earlier this month, Benach Ragland authored a brief on behalf of the American Immigration Lawyers Association in the case of Michael Sylvain v. Attorney General before the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit.  In Sylvain, the court must decide whether the Immigration & Nationality Act (INA) requires the detention of individuals convicted of certain offenses regardless of how long it has been since they were released from criminal custody. On behalf of AILA, Benach Ragland argued to the court that people released from custody prior to Immigration & Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) assumption of custody are entitled to a bond hearing where an immigration judge can make a determination as to whether they are flight risks or dangers to the community.  ICE argues that the INA gives immigration judges no authority to consider the release such individuals and that they must be detained for the duration of their removal proceedings regardless of how long it has been since they were convicted of an offense.

In Sylvain, the government defends a decision by the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) in Matter of Rojas.  In Rojas, the BIA decided that the mandatory detention provisions of the INA require detention without possibility of release on bond regardless of when that person was released from criminal custody.  However, the INA mandatory detention provision states that certain individuals shall be taken into custody “when the alien is released.”  The BIA decided in Rojas that that language did not limit ICE to apply mandatory detention to individuals regardless of when they were released.  Under Rojas, an individual would be subject to detention without any sort of review by a judge even if they had been released from prison a decade earlier.  As immigration judges around the country cited Rojas and explained that their hands were tied, advocates went to U.S. District Courts around the country and sought habeas corpus review.  Almost uniformly, the federal courts told the immigration service that Rojas was wrong and that the detained individual was entitled to a bond hearing.  The immigrant was then released.   ICE rarely appealed these decisions to the courts of appeals.

However, they did so in Hosh v. Lucero.  In that case, a district court judge found that Rojas was wrongly decided and ordered an immigration judge to hold a bond hearing.  However, this time, the government, sensing a possibly friendly court in the Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit, a court known for giving the government wide berth to operate, appealed the judge’s decision.  The government’s gamble paid off and the Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit reversed the district court judge and deferred to the BIA’s decision in Rojas, foreclosing habeas relief in the states of the 4th Circuit (Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and West Virginia).  Although district courts in the Fourth Circuit must follow Hosh, district courts outside of the Fourth Circuit have not found Hosh terribly persuasive.

Now this issue is before the Third Circuit Court of Appeals, which encompasses New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Delaware, in Sylvain.  A decision rejecting Rojas would create a split between the Third and the Fourth Circuits, possibly leading the way to Supreme Court review.  Oral argument is coming next month and we will report from the argument and when a decision comes down.

Opportunity Lost- Administration Seeks Supreme Court Review of De Osorio

26 Jan

On the same day that the immigration world was abuzz with news that the President would unveil his immigration reform plan next week, the administration filed a brief to preserve the unnecessary family separation caused by its cramped  understanding of the Child Status Protection Act reflected in the Board of Immigration Appeals decision in Matter of Wang.  The juxtaposition of the prospect of common sense immigration reform with the wholly unnecessary appeal of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit’s decision in Cuellar de Osorio v. Mayorkas provides significant doubt that the administration really understands the pain caused to American families by the immigration laws and the decisions that the administration takes on a daily basis that make those immigration laws worse than perhaps Congress even intended.  When the administration is more restrictive then Congress, that is a sorry state of affairs.

Enough editorializing.  We can write more about what a disastrous decision this was for the administration once emotions are less raw.  For now, we will focus on what happens.

The administration has filed a petition for a writ of certiorari to the Supreme Court to review the decision of the 9th Circuit.  A writ of certiorari is a statement from the Supreme Court that they will review a case.  “I will review” is the basic Latin translation of certiorari.  By petitioning for the writ, the government is asking the court to review a case.  Review at the Supreme Court is discretionary, meaning that the Supreme Court does not review all cases in which certiorari is sought.  In fact, the Supreme Court rejects the overwhelming majority of cert petitions filed each year.  The Supreme Court grants only about 2% of all petitions for certiorari. That might be comforting, but the odds are improved when the petitioner is the Department of Justice, as it is here.  In addition, other factors, such as the split between circuit courts to have reviewed the CSPA, and the national implications of the decision are factors that indicate that the government’s petition for a writ of certiorari in de Osorio are better than the 2% average.

The Supreme Court will vote on whether to hear the case.  Four justices must vote in the affirmative to hear the case. It is difficult to say when the Supreme Court will rule on whether to grant certiorari.  A good discussion of Supreme Court procedure can be found here. If the Supreme Court denies the petition for certiorari, the decision of the Ninth Circuit will stand.  If the Supreme Court grants the petition, it will receive briefs from the parties and all sorts of other interested people and organizations.  It will hold oral argument.  It is unlikely that the Supreme Court will hold oral argument before October as the Court recesses from June to October.  A decision would likely come about a year from now.

So, there remain two more opportunities to end this struggle.  The first chance is whether the Supreme Court grants cert.  The second is when, if it grants cert, it decides on the case.

There remains substantial hope.  The lawyers handling this are some of the best in the business.  Many other interested parties will weigh in.  Benach Ragland will continue to be a part of this litigation and continue to advocate for sane immigration laws.  Also, cert is rarely granted.  The government still has an uphill road to follow.  This is a setback and not a defeat.

Time to Decide in de Osorio

24 Jan

The Obama administration has until tomorrow January 25, 2013 to file a petition for a writ of certiorari with the U.S. Supreme Court to seek review of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit decision in Cuellar de Osorio v. Mayorkas, which provided a humane and reasonable interpretation of the Child Status Protection Act.  If the government does not seek review in the Supreme Court, the decision of the 9th Circuit becomes law nationwide and thousands of people will be eligible to apply for adjustment of status using their old priority dates.

If the government does seek review, the case will remain on hold.  However, a petition for a writ of certiorari does not mean that the Supreme Court will take the case.  The Supreme Court does not take every case that comes before it and must agree to hear the case.  If the Supreme Court declines to hear the case, then the 9th Circuit decision becomes law.  If the Supreme Court takes the case, we will need to wait for a ruling from the Court before knowing the fate of the de Osorio class of potential applicants.

We have explained in multiple posts the reasons why the government should let the de Osorio decision stand and how this single act could improve the immigration system for thousands of American families.  In the week of the President’s inauguration with its soaring hopes and promises, the President has an immediate opportunity to translate those words into policy and law.  Let’s hope he takes it.

There’s Something Happening Here. Prospects for Immigration Reform, Part 1.

12 Nov

The Republican stampede to support of common sense immigration reform has been head spinning.  As one tries to absorb the bombshell of one Republican leader supporting immigration reform, another one comes out in favor.  Like coming out of any dark place, it is indeed liberating and not an hour goes by without some Republican luminary expressing his (and they all seem to be men) support for la reforma migratoria.  Let’s see, since last Tuesday, the following Republicans have come out in favor of addressing the horribly broken immigration system.

If you were not convinced that there is serious movement in the Republican party to support for immigration reform, check out the panic from the wingnuts:

On Sunday, Senator Charles Schumer (D-NY) and Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) both confirmed that they were going to revive their talks on an immigration reform program.  They last got together on immigration back in the spring of 2010.  They even published an op-ed in the Washington Post detailing their plan to fix immigration.  Those talks broke down when the GOP smelled Obama’s blood in the water and decided to deprive the President of any legislative achievements in advance of the 2010 elections.  Well, they’re back and this time they mean it.

The outlines of the Graham-Schumer plan never were turned into legislation.  However, according to the op-ed, their plan consisted of four pillars: (1) production of a biometric embedded Social Security card for all American citizens and work authorized immigrants that employers could swipe to verify authenticity; (2) increased border enforcement and interior enforcement- more resources to the already militarized border and more resources to identify “criminal aliens;” (3) a new guest worker program for temporary admission of all types of needed workers; and (4) a “to the back of the line” and retributive legalization scheme for the 11 million undocumented.

That is where we left off.  In our next post, we will discuss where we can go.

Supreme Court Argument in Chaidez v. United States

2 Nov

So I went up to the Supreme Court yesterday to hear argument in Chaidez v. United States, No. 11-820. Chaidez concerns the straightforward question whether the Court’s decision in Padilla v. Kentucky, 130 S. Ct. 1473 (2010), applies retroactively – i.e., to defendants whose convictions became final prior to its issuance two years ago. Jeffrey Fisher from Stanford Law School’s Supreme Court Litigation Clinic argued on behalf of Ms. Chaidez, and Michael Dreeben from the Solicitor General’s office on behalf of the government. Spirited arguments from both sides. Shout out to Friend of BR Chuck Roth from the National Immigrant Justice Center in Chicago, who sat right up front at counsel table with the other legal hotshots.

First off, I have to say I love attending arguments at the Supreme Court. I’m an unapologetic con-law nerd, and watching argument is like political theatre for lawyers. It doesn’t even have to be an immigration case – even the dreariest dormant commerce clause dispute can be enthralling when you have the wisecracking Justice Scalia, the sharp-tongued Justice Ginsburg, and the gesticulating Justice Breyer on the bench. You can keep your Arena Stage and Shakespeare Theatre – for me, 1 First St., NE is where the drama really unfolds.

In Padilla, the Court held that a criminal defendant is deprived of effective assistance of counsel, in violation of her Sixth Amendment rights, when her trial counsel fails to advise her that accepting a guilty plea may result in near-certain deportation. Padilla involved a plea to a charge of transporting marijuana, which qualified as both a deportable controlled substance offense, INA §237(a)(2)(B)(i), and an aggravated felony drug trafficking offense, INA §101(a)(43)(B). In 2003, Ms. Chaidez, on advice of counsel, pled guilty to mail fraud and was ordered to pay more than $22,000 in restitution, making her crime an aggravated felony “offense involving fraud or deceit in which the loss to the victim exceeds $10,000,” INA §101(a)(43)(M)(i).

Padilla announced that such ineffective assistance with respect to deportation consequences – an issue collateral to the criminal proceedings but nonetheless a “matter of great importance” to noncitizen criminal defendants – “is not categorically removed from the ambit of the Sixth Amendment right to counsel.” 130 S. Ct. at 1482, 1484. Such constitutionally deficient representation satisfies the first prong of the test articulated in Strickland v. Washington, 466 U.S. 668 (1984), and where a defendant also proves the second prong – that she was prejudiced by her attorney’s ineffective assistance – the conviction is constitutionally infirm and the post-conviction relief sought (typically via habeas corpus or writ of coram nobis) should be granted. But Padilla did not address whether its holding applies retroactively to cases brought on collateral review.

To answer the retroactivity question, the parties in Chaidez turned to Teague v. Lane, 489 U.S. 288 (1989), which held that a decision that merely applied an established rule to the facts of a particular case applies retroactively to convictions that are already final. But where a rule of criminal procedure “breaks new ground or imposes a new obligation on the States or the Federal Government,” the rule does not apply retroactively to cases on collateral review. Teague, 489 U.S. at 301. The government argued that Teague controls and Padilla announced a new rule, hence it does not apply retroactively. Counsel for Ms. Chaidez countered that Padilla was merely the application of existing precedent (Strickland) to a new set of facts, and, moreover, that the Court should say Teague does not even apply where a case is on the equivalent of direct review – i.e., a first challenge to the trial court’s decision, which in the plea context only occurs upon habeas or coram nobis review because direct appeal has been waived.

In yesterday’s argument, Mr. Fisher declared that Padilla did not announce a new rule because the Court’s decision was “dictated by precedent,” namely Strickland, and it “simply applied Strickland’s formula of assessing attorney performance according to prevailing professional norms to a new set of facts.” Mr. Dreeben, by contrast, maintained that Padilla “announced a new rule within the meaning of Teague” because, in part, no prior Supreme Court decision “had ever held that the obligations of a criminal defense lawyer under the Sixth Amendment extended” to accurately advising a defendant of deportation consequences. In other words, Padilla “broke new ground” because it cannot be said that “any reasonable jurist would have reached [the] result” announced in Padilla – as evidenced by near unanimity among the lower courts that there exists no Sixth Amendment obligation for counsel to accurately advise a client of potential collateral consequences, including deportation consequences.

The points raised at argument tracked, to a significant degree, the arguments presented in the respective parties’ briefs. There were no real bombshells, no clear “gotcha” moments, and it’s difficult to predict the outcome of the case, although it seems likely to be a split opinion along the same lines as Padilla. Justice Scalia implied as much when he asked Mr. Fisher whether he would agree that those who dissented in Padilla (Justices Scalia and Thomas, with Justice Alito and Chief Justice Roberts in concurrence) would regard it as announcing a new rule. Mr. Fisher: “That’s a tricky question to answer, Justice Scalia.” Justice Scalia: “Well, I think it’s an easy question to answer.” Sustained laughter in the courtroom. No ambiguity there.

But certain moments did stand out, moments which give cause for optimism that the Court may issue a favorable ruling – namely, that Padilla does apply retroactively, because it was merely an application of Strickland and did not announce a new rule under Teague. As Mr. Fisher observed in his opening remarks, in the 20 years since Teague was decided, more than a dozen cases have been presented to the Supreme Court involving post-conviction claims based on ineffective assistance of counsel, and the Court “has never once held that applying Strickland in those [various cases] constituted a new rule.” To do so in this case would be a first. He also effectively pressed the point that Padilla did not hold that Strickland extends to all collateral consequences of a conviction, but only that “advice concerning deportation consequences of a guilty plea are not categorically removed from the Sixth Amendment.”

Mr. Fisher described the lower courts’ contrary holdings, prior to Padilla, as creating an “artificial restriction on Strickland” that the Court should now correct. He noted also the helpful language in Williams v. Taylor, 529 U.S. 362 (2000), paraphrasing the Court that “Strickland provides sufficient guidance to resolve virtually every ineffective assistance claim.” Consequently, even in different factual scenarios, no new ground is broken and no new rule arises because “so long as you simply applied Strickland, you wouldn’t create a new rule.” Persuasive also was his reminder that Padilla was not the first decision to recognize the importance of deportation consequences, because nine years earlier the Court had observed that “[p]reserving the client’s right to remain in the United States may be more important to the client than any potential jail sentence.” INS v. St. Cyr, 533 U.S. 289, 323 (2001). As Mr. Fisher put it in response to a question from Justice Kagan, “even if you needed more than Strickland itself” to decide this issue, “St. Cyr gave that to you in 2001 … it was enough to decide Padilla.”

In response to concerns raised by Justices Alito and Kennedy about the finality of criminal convictions, particularly where claims might be brought years later in a writ of coram nobis, Mr. Fisher again turned to Strickland’s statement that “no different rules ought to apply in collateral proceedings [than] in direct review,” because the Court assumed in both Strickland and in Padilla that “all of these claims would be on collateral review.” Thus, “the very concern you mentioned, Justice Kennedy, is already baked into the Strickland formula.” Furthermore, Mr. Fisher’s efforts to collapse the distinction, for Sixth Amendment purposes, between an attorney’s affirmative misadvice and mere failure to properly advise – between, as Padilla put it, acts of commission and acts of omission – was key to his argument. He was aided by the majority opinion’s discussion in Padilla, which acknowledged support for this distinction among the lower courts but declared that such a limited holding would invite “absurd results.” Padilla, 130 S. Ct. 1484.

When Mr. Dreeben stood up, he wasn’t even allowed to complete his first sentence before Justice Sotomayor asked him about the omission-commission distinction. In response, he conceded that “Padilla didn’t distinguish between misadvice and omissions to give advice” and maintained that applying Sixth Amendment protections to either would qualify as a new rule under Teague, thus “neither is retroactive.” He went on to discuss the lower courts’ refusal to find constitutional deficiency where the ineffective assistance related to collateral consequences – including deportation consequences – and acknowledged that those decisions arose primarily in cases involving affirmative misadvice. In Mr. Dreeben’s words, “a client has a constitutional right to make his or her own decision about whether to plead guilty; and a lawyer has a constitutional duty not to get in the way of that by affirmatively skewing the client’s ability to make that choice.” But he emphasized that prior to Padilla, “[n]o decision of this Court had ever held that the obligations of a criminal defense lawyer under the Sixth Amendment extended to” a collateral consequence, i.e. “a consequence that would not be administered in the criminal case itself.” To my mind, this among the government’s strongest arguments. As Mr. Dreeben insisted, “Padilla broke new ground because it answered the question, not how does Strickland apply, but whether it applies at all to something outside the compass of the sentencing court.”

In the end, the outcome in Chaidez will turn on whether the Court interprets Padilla as breaking new ground or merely applying the established rule in Strickland to a new set of facts. Justice Kennedy noted that “one of the principal sources the Court cited in Padilla,” for extending Sixth Amendment protections to the collateral issue of deportation consequences “was common sense.” And as an immigration lawyer, it’s hard to deny that what the Court did in Padilla felt novel and momentous – and the past two years have only confirmed that impression. As my partner Andres Benach remarked on the day the decision was issued, “Padilla is a game-changer.” As Mr. Dreeben effectively argued, “My test for Teague new rules is this Court’s test: Whether the decision was dictated by precedent so that any reasonable jurist would have reached that result, or, to put it another way, that no reasonable jurist could not have.” To hold that Padilla applies retroactively would require the Court to find that nearly every lower court that had addressed the question prior to Padilla simply got it wrong. That those courts erred by failing to apprehend that Sixth Amendment protections do extend to advice by trial counsel regarding deportation consequences, and that this rule was dictated by precedent, namely Strickland. Although, as Justice Sotomayor retorted, “So unanimous error makes right?”

In his brief rebuttal, Mr. Fisher returned to the distinction between affirmative misadvice and failure to advise, and insisted that the government’s case cannot withstand the Court’s collapsing of that distinction. He argued, “The only thing [Mr. Dreeben] relies on in the end is this distinction the lower courts had drawn between acts and omissions. And that’s exactly the distinction in Strickland that this Court rejected” and which Padilla described as “absurd.”

Did Padilla break new ground and announce a new rule, or was the result dictated by an existing rule of law, as set forth in Strickland? We’ll find out in a few months’ time.

Aggfel & CIMT Victory in Arlington Immigration Court

22 Oct

We prevailed in a long-fought case this week in the Arlington Immigration Court. The Immigration Judge granted our motion to terminate proceedings, agreeing that our client’s conviction in Virginia for attempted sexual battery was neither an aggravated felony nor a crime involving moral turpitude (CIMT), and that he is not deportable as result of the offense. (IJ Decision – redacted.) But that’s hardly the entire story …

In September 2008, our client Y— pled guilty and was convicted of attempted sexual battery in violation of Va. Code §18.2-67.5(c), sentenced to 11 months imprisonment (all suspended), plus 1 year of supervised probation. In March 2010, he was arrested by ICE and sent to Hampton Roads Regional Jail. DHS charged him with (1) aggravated felony “sexual abuse of a minor” and (2) CIMT within 5 years of admission. He appeared for four consecutive master calendar hearings, during which the government sought to introduce new evidence and just delayed the proceedings, before the family hired us the day before the fifth MCH. We stayed up late preparing a lengthy motion for bond redetermination, arguing that his offense did not qualify as an aggravated felony, thus he wasn’t subject to mandatory detention and should be released on bond, and we filed and argued it the next day. The IJ agreed, rejected the aggfel charge, conducted a bond hearing, and ordered Y— released on $10K bond. The very next day, DHS not only appealed the IJ’s bond order, it also invoked the “automatic stay” under 8 C.F.R. §1003.19(i)(2) in order to prevent our client from bonding out of ICE custody.

Certain that Y— was not subject to mandatory detention, we promptly filed a writ of habeas corpus in the US District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, challenging our client’s continued custody under the automatic stay provision. We argued that 8 C.F.R. §1003.19(i)(2) is ultra vires to the statute, because it grants DHS unchecked ability to override an IJ’s bond decision under INA §236(a), without having to demonstrate why continued detention is warranted. At the next MCH one week later, DHS relented and withdrew the automatic stay. The family posted bond and Y— was released from ICE custody after a 2-month ordeal. But DHS persisted with the bond appeal, insisting that our client’s conviction was an aggravated felony.

The Board of Immigration Appeals disagreed (BIA Decision – redacted.) The Board agreed with us that under the categorical approach, Y—’s conviction is not an aggravated felony because the Virginia statute under which he was convicted lacks an element requiring that the victim be a minor, or specifying the age of the victim. The BIA then remanded the case to the Immigration Court. Having lost on the aggfel charge, DHS turned its focus to the CIMT ground of deportability. The government argued that although neither the categorical nor the modified categorical approach reveals that Y—’s offense is a CIMT, under Step Three of Matter of Silva-Trevino, the IJ should consider evidence from outside the record of conviction that purportedly demonstrated our client’s conduct was morally turpitudinous.

In October 2011, we filed our first motion to terminate, arguing that Silva-Trevino was wrongly decided because it conflicts with Fourth Circuit law, Supreme Court jurisprudence, and decades of adherence to the traditional categorical and modified categorical approach. DHS did not respond. After the Fourth Circuit rejected Silva-Trevino in Prudencio v. Holder, 669 F.3d 472 (4th Cir. 2012), we filed a supplemental motion to terminate based on intervening precedent. Again DHS did not respond, so we filed a notice of non-opposition, urging the IJ to rule on our long-pending motion to terminate. On the day of Y—’s next MCH in May 2012, DHS filed its brief in opposition, arguing now that attempted sexual battery in Virginia is categorically a CIMT. Despite having previously conceded that moral turpitude could not be discerned until Silva-Trevino Step Three, the government now urged the court to find that Y—’s conviction is a CIMT at Step One, because “moral turpitude is intrinsic to all offenses that have a realistic probability of being prosecuted” under the Virginia statute.

We filed one more lengthy brief in opposition, challenging the government’s categorical argument, maintaining that application of the “realistic probability” test articulated in Gonzales v. Duenas-Alvarez, 549 U.S. 183 (2007) – which was adopted by Silva-Trevino – was improper, and noting that DHS cited no authority for its contention that every conviction under Va. Code §18.2-67.5(c) is inherently a moral turpitude crime. Again DHS did not reply, and we anxiously anticipated a ruling at the next MCH in November.

But the IJ was finally persuaded and apparently didn’t need to hear any more. He granted our motion to terminate, found that DHS had failed to sustain its charges of removability, and terminated proceedings. After a 2½ year struggle, including seven hearings in Immigration Court, a failed DHS appeal to the BIA, habeas corpus proceedings in ED Va., and numerous rounds of briefing and re-briefing, we finally prevailed. Our client can now move on with his life, refocus on work and family, and put this agonizing chapter behind him. A very satisfying victory for the Benach Ragland team.

I live in the 9th Circuit and aged-out. Does Osorio mean I should apply for adjustment?

9 Oct

Since we wrote about the landmark victory for undocumented youth in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit in Cuellar de Osorio, we have been inundated by the following question: I think this covers me, should I apply for adjustment of status now?  The answer, like so many legal answers, is the perpetually unsatisfying “it depends.”  We have prepared this information to help you understand the issues and make a decision about whether applying is appropriate for you.  However, this stuff is complicated and one size does not fit all.  We strongly suggest that anyone contemplating applying for adjustment of status based upon Osorio consult with a reputable immigration lawyer.

Do I live in the 9th Circuit?

The Ninth Circuit is the judicial district that covers a large section of the American west.  It includes the following states: California, Oregon, Washington, Alaska, Hawaii, Nevada, Arizona, Idaho, Montana and Guam.  The Osorio decision is federal immigration law in these states.  Immigration officials are obligated to follow the law of the circuit in which the office sits.

Who does the Osorio decision help?

The Osorio decision may help you if you were, as a child, the beneficiary of an immigrant petition for your parent (“derivative beneficiary”), but aged-out of eligibility by turning 21 before you could apply for your residence, and a new petition has been filed on your behalf.  Osorio held that an aged-out derivative beneficiary can reclaim their earlier date in the new petition.  So, for example, your grandmother filed for your mother, when you were sixteen.  The petition was approved, but you and your mother could not apply for residence until the filing date became current.  By that time, you were 22 years old.  Your mother would have been able to adjust to residence, but you had “aged-out” of eligibility as the immigration law no longer considered you a child.  At that point, your mother may have filed a petition for you as the unmarried daughter of a permanent resident.  That petition, under the law prior to Osorio, would have gotten the date that your mother filed the petition.  All that waiting on your grandmother’s petition would be lost and you would go to the back of the line of unmarried sons and daughters of permanent residents.  Under Osorio, you would be able to transfer the date of your grandmother’s petition to your mother’s petition and be eligible to apply immediately for residence.

So, how do I know if I am in the Osorio class?

You would need to have:

  1. A petition filed on behalf of a parent while you were a child
  2. Aged-out of eligibility by turning 21
  3. A new petition filed and approved on your behalf.

Is that all I need to apply for adjustment of status?

Just because you have an approved petition and a current date, you are not necessarily eligible for adjustment of status to residence.  In order to qualify for adjustment of status, you need:

  1. An approved petition.  Check!
  2. A current priority date. Check!
  3. to be admissible to the United States
  4. to have been inspected and admitted or paroled into the United States
  5. to have maintained lawful nonimmigrant status since your entry
  6. to not have worked without authorization since your entry
  7. If you were not inspected and admitted or paroled and entered without inspection, overstayed your visa, violated your status or worked without authorization, you will need to be “grandfathered under 245(i).”

Grandfather under 245 what?

If you entered without inspection or violated your nonimmigrant status, you are ineligible to adjust status in the United States, unless you are grandfathered under INA 245(i).  INA 245(i) forgives these transgressions for the paltry fee of $1000.  However 245(i) expired on April 30, 2001.  Only people who were the beneficiaries of petitions or labor certifications filed before that date can get the benefit of 245(i).  In addition, potential 245(i) beneficiaries must also show that they were physically present on December 20, 2000.

OK, I have all that, should I apply?

Well, it remains to be seen what the Citizenship & Immigration Service will do with the Osorio decision.

I thought you said that it was the law and CIS had to follow it?

Very simplistically, that is true.  However, the government could choose to appeal or seek rehearing of the decision.  In such a case, the government could ask a court to stay implementation of Osorio.  The government could also instruct the CIS to simply hold the cases in abeyance until the CIS can come up with a plan to administer these cases nationwide.  While such delay may not be entirely legal, an applicant who felt that her case was being delayed improperly and for an unreasonable amount of time would have to bring a lawsuit in federal court seeking to compel CIS to make a decision.  A court will not entertain such a lawsuit until the application has been delayed for several months as the statute only provides a cause of action for “unreasonable delay.”  Thus, it is not yet clear how CIS will react to these cases and how they will process them.

Is there any precedent for how they may react?

Yes.  Osorio is not the first case to reach this conclusion.  The Fifth Circuit reached the same decision in Khalid v. Holder in 2011.  Anecdotal evidence is that the CIS has recently begun to adjudicate and approve cases that were filed on behalf of people covered by Khalid.  Initially, cases were not being adjudicated, but as of July 2012, we have heard about approvals.

What are the risks of applying?

The risk of making yourself known to the government is always the same.  The government will place you into removal proceedings and an immigration judge could order you deported.   This is obviously a worst case scenario, but it is a possibility whenever you apply to CIS for a benefit.  That being said, we do not think that that is a extremely likely outcome for the following reasons: (1) you may be able to apply for adjustment before the Judge, who is not bound by any bureaucratic inertia from CIS; (2) CIS’ guidelines about placing individuals into removal proceedings discourage putting people into proceedings when they are denied benefits unless they have criminal records, have been involved in immigration fraud or are security risks; and (3) many would-be Osorio beneficiaries are DACA eligible and benefit from the greatest amount of favorable discretion.

In addition, there is a risk of losing money and having dashed expectations.  An application for adjustment will cost about $2500 in filing fees, which would not be returned if the case is denied.

So, what do I do?

Talk to a lawyer.  Understand the decision, your application and the costs and benefits of seeking adjustment and come to an educated decision.

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