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After Lengthy Court Battle, Client Sworn in as U.S. Citizen

4 Jun

Last Friday in Baltimore, Maryland, our client, Temitope (“Tope”) Akinsade, was sworn in as a U.S. citizen. Naturalization ceremonies are always gratifying, but this event was particularly moving in light of the government’s relentless and ultimately unsuccessful effort to deport Tope – who has been a lawful permanent resident for over 12 years. To know Tope’s story is to understand both the unfairness of our immigration laws and the charade that is ICE’s supposed policy on prosecutorial discretion.

A native of Nigeria, Tope came to the United States with his family as a 7-year-old in 1988. In 2000, at the age of 19, he pled guilty to a felony embezzlement charge after cashing three checks for some neighborhood toughs at the bank where he was working as a teller. Shortly after the incident, Tope reported the transactions to his supervisor and agreed to cooperate with the police and the FBI in their investigation. On the advice of his attorney, who assured him he would not be deported but would “become a citizen in five years,” Tope pled guilty to one count of embezzlement by bank employee. He was sentenced to one month in community confinement and three years of probation, which he successfully completed.

Believing the incident was behind him, Tope enrolled at the University of Maryland, where he earned a bachelor’s degree in computer science with honors. He stayed at Maryland to earn a master’s degree, receiving a full fellowship from the National Science Foundation. Tope was then offered a slot in a leadership program at General Electric, working in the company’s Global Research Center in upstate New York. For several years he worked for GE and traveled to and from the U.S. without incident.

Then, one morning in January 2009, Tope was arrested by ICE agents, charged with being deportable from the United States, and sent to a detention center in Batavia, New York. Authorities claimed that his embezzlement conviction qualified as an “aggravated felony,” which under U.S. immigration law means near-mandatory deportation. He was held for seventeen months before being released on bond. Although he had not been sentenced to prison for the underlying crime, Tope spent nearly a year and a half imprisoned by ICE, and he faced removal proceedings in immigration court without the right to an appointed attorney.

Over the course of many months, Tope’s case ground its way through the notoriously slow workings of immigration court. An immigration judge sustained the government’s claim that Tope’s embezzlement conviction in 2000 met the definition of an “offense involving fraud or deceit,” and thus an aggravated felony. As a result, he not only was found deportable but also declared ineligible for virtually all forms of relief – including cancellation of removal – despite having been a green card holder for nearly nine years. The Board of Immigration Appeals affirmed the immigration judge’s decision.

Tope then brought his case to the federal courts. He appealed the BIA’s removal order to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in New York. At around the same time, he hired a criminal attorney to file a writ of error coram nobis in U.S. district court in Maryland, asking the court to vacate his embezzlement conviction based on the gross misadvice about immigration consequences he was given during his criminal proceedings in 2000. The district court judge found that Tope had received ineffective assistance of counsel, but ruled that he had not been prejudiced because the trial court gave a general warning during his plea hearing that if he was not a U.S. citizen, a conviction could lead him to be deported. Tope appealed the judge’s order to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit in Richmond, Virginia. His fate now rested in the hands of the two federal appeals courts.

Tope’s fortunes finally began to change when Thomas Ragland took the case. Thomas filed briefs and presented oral argument in the Second Circuit, urging the court to vacate Tope’s removal order because the embezzlement statute under which he was convicted required proof of either an intent to defraud or an intent to injure – and the record of conviction was inconclusive as to Tope’s intent at the time of the offense. The government strenuously opposed these arguments, insisting that the conviction was clearly an aggravated felony and that Tope should be deported without delay. In May 2012, the Second Circuit issued a precedent decision agreeing with Thomas’ arguments that Tope had not been convicted of an aggravated felony, because both the immigration judge and the BIA had improperly inferred an intent to deceive in the commission of the embezzlement offense – which was not established by the record of conviction. In addition, given the relatively minor nature of the crime, the passage of time, and Tope’s exemplary achievements, the court also wondered aloud why ICE refused to favorably exercise prosecutorial discretion in the case. Finding that the government had failed to prove its aggravated felony charge, the appeals court vacated Tope’s order of removal.

At the same time, Thomas also briefed and argued the coram nobis appeal in the Fourth Circuit. In July 2012, the court sustained the appeal and reversed the lower court’s ruling, agreeing with Thomas’ argument that a trial court’s general warning about deportation consequences at the plea stage was inadequate to overcome an attorney’s specific (incorrect) assurances to his client that entering a guilty plea would not render him deportable. Thus, in another precedent decision, the Fourth Circuit vacated Tope’s embezzlement conviction altogether. Federal prosecutors urged the en banc Fourth Circuit to rehear the case, but their request was denied.

With a clean record – as both his removal order and his felony conviction had now been vacated – Tope submitted his naturalization papers last November. Several weeks after appearing with Thomas for an interview at U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, he was notified that his application had been approved. On Friday May 24, Tope took the oath of allegiance and became U.S. citizen.

Tope spent over a year in ICE detention based on a single conviction that did not result in any jail time, and which ultimately was vacated by the federal court of appeals. And the government relentlessly sought to deport him based on an aggravated felony charge that evaporated under the glare of judicial scrutiny. In the past two years, ICE has stated that its personnel will use “prosecutorial discretion” to judiciously manage its expenditure of resources in immigration proceedings. In a memo published in June 2011, ICE Director John Morton outlined a series of factors to be taken into consideration when deciding to exercise prosecutorial discretion. Among these factors was the length of time spent in the United States, particularly in lawful status, the pursuit of higher education in the United States, whether the individual entered the United States as a child, whether the individual poses a national security or public safety concern, ties and contributions to the community, and whether the individual has cooperated with law enforcement. All of these factors weigh in favor of an exercise of prosecutorial discretion for Tope Akinsade, yet ICE refused and instead aggressively and persistently sought to deport him. It was not until the Second Circuit ruled in his favor that Tope was assured that his conviction, later held to be constitutionally unsound, would not prevent him from remaining in the United States. Fortunately, the federal appeals courts were persuaded by legal arguments challenging both the BIA’s removal order and the U.S. district court’s denial of coram nobis relief. The law prevailed where ICE’s discretion and common sense failed. Tope Akinsade is a proud and deserving United States citizen.

From the Committee to the Senate Floor: The Immigration Bill Survives!

22 May

 

Yesterday, by a vote of 13-5, the United States Senate Judiciary Committee passed S. 744, the immigration reform bill.Flake  Three Republicans (Lindsey Graham (SC),Graham Jeff Flake (AZ) and Orrin Hatch (UT)) joined all ten Democrats to vote the legislation out of committee. Hatch

 

 

 

 

 

The five opponents were the five Republicans who had spent the several mark-ups attempting to torpedo the legislation with odious and unworkable amendments, most of which were defeated.  Yet, Senators Jeff Sessions (AL), Ted Cruz (TX), John Cornyn (TX), Mike Lee (UT), and Chuck Grassley (IA), have vowed to renew their efforts on the Senate floor, where the bill goes next.
Cruz Lee and Cornyn

The bill emerged after several mark-up sessions, largely intact. The bill still offers a provisional status and a path to citizenship, expedited residence and citizenship for undocumented youth, improvements in due process, increased use of E-Verify, tighter border controls, a new temporary worker visa, improved opportunities for employment-based immigration, enhanced H-1B provisions, and more liberal policy for asylum seekers.

The bill was improved by the passage of the following amendments:

  • Coons 2- limits ICE’s authority to perform nighttime removals.
  • Coons 5- provides immigrants with statutory right to see their “A-file” in removal proceedings
  • Hirono 21- allows undocumented youth to obtain federal financial aid
  • Blumenthal 2- prohibits solitary confinement of individuals in ICE detention
  • Blumenthal 8- restricts ICE enforcement at schools and hospitals.
  • Blumenthal 12- provides for expedited naturalization for undocumented youth in military

The bill was made worse by the following amendments:

  • Grassley 44- made conviction of a third DUI an aggravated felony.
  • Graham 1- allows DHS to terminate asylum of an individual who returns to country of nationality

The Committee fought off several “poison pill” amendments designed to gut the entire process or to make the immigration system more inhumane than it is today:

    • Cruz 3- would have barred anyone who was ever out of status from obtaining citizenship
    • Grassley 1- would have retained the one year filing deadline for asylum
    • Cornyn 3- would have made people convicted of minor offenses ineligible for provisional status
    • Grassley 18- would have required applicants for provisional status to disclose all previous social security numbers

GS

  • Sessions 1- would have imposed a $5000 minimum bond for release from custody
  • Grassley 67- would have subjected businesses hiring H or L workers to increased audits and bureaucratic oversight
  • Lee 15- would have required affirmative intent in employment discrimination based upon national origin
  • Grassley 34- would have imposed 20 year sentence for document fraud convictions
  • Grassley 45- would have expanded criminal penalties for illegal entry and re-entry

The strength of the bill was enhanced by the support of Republican Senator Orrin Hatch of Utah.  Senator Hatch has long been a champion of the H-1B program.  The Committee adopted Senator Hatch’s amendments to increase the availability of H-1B visas and earned the Senator’s support in the Committee.  Senator Hatch has not committed to his vote on the floor, but his support in committee, made the bill more strongly bipartisan and showed that the “Gang of 8″ can pull reasonable Republicans into the bipartisan consensus that our immigration system requires serious overhaul.  This compromise required some serious accommodation by both Democrats and Republicans on the Committee and it is a welcome sign for our democracy that this issue did not cause the wholesale breakdown that we have come to expect.  This suggests that immigration reform has become a categorical imperative for both parties.

Unfortunately, the bill that came out of committee is as defined by what it does not include by what it does include.  Under pressure from the White House, Senator Leahy pulled his amendment to ensure that LGBT individuals and couples are treated equally and fairly under the immigration bill.  Republicans, including members of the Gang of 8, had balked at LGBT inclusion and, as a result, the Committee gave into homophobia.  We are extremely disappointed that LGBT families were thrown aside in the passage of this bill.  We remain hopeful that the Supreme Court will make this a non-issue soon enough.

The bill will now head to the senate floor, where there will be more debates and amendments.  Immigration reform will likely dominate the Senate for the month of June.  In some good news, Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader, has said that he has no plans to block consideration of the bill.  While any single Senator can filibuster a bill, that Senator needs the support of 40 of his/her colleagues to sustain the filibuster and it is hard to imagine that succeeding without the support of the Senate leadership.

We hope for a strong show of support from the United States Senate.  A bill that gathers 65+ votes will storm out of the Senate and place a lot of pressure on the House to support common sense immigration reform.

No Parking: Immigration Reform in a Lot on Adephi Road

28 Apr

Some of the most contentious issues raised in recent immigration reform discussions – prioritizing business over family, the exercise of prosecutorial discretion, the reach and responsibilities of law enforcement – were played out in a parking lot in Hyattsville, Maryland yesterday. The specific debate was about parking, but the arguments and proposals for resolution may as well have been about how U.S. legislators, courts, and law enforcement decide to permit non-native-born men, women, and children to enter and remain in the United States.

Every Saturday, Northwestern High School hosts a very popular Flea Market run by the International Studies Program. This Flea Market takes place in the main school parking lot – vendors sell everything from bananas to bandanas to barbecue. Several Saturdays in the spring, Northwestern High School also hosts track and field meets for schools in the Catholic Youth Organization of the Archdiocese of Washington. Several hundred students from dozens of schools in the area participate in these meets – well over a thousand athletes and their families attend the track and field events every Saturday. Parking is always a problem at these meets, and especially so at Northwestern, when the main lot is filled with vendors who have been there since dawn setting up their stands. Families arrive to the track meet and – finding no legitimate parking spots left – resort to parking along the curbs and on the hillside behind the bleachers.

Yesterday, the track meet organizers announced that cars parked on the hillside would be ticketed and towed. Grumbling parents and grandparents trudged out of the bleachers to move their cars, some loudly claiming that the school should cancel the flea market on weekends when track meets or other high attendance events are held – why ruin the goodwill gained by hosting the meets in the first place? A young gentleman with a hand-held electronic ticketing device was citing certain cars, vans, and trucks parked haphazardly along the curb. He was clearly employed by an agency authorized to issue parking tickets at the school, but his weekend-casual uniform also indicated he was not a member of the Prince George’s County police force. He spoke to the parents: “I am only ticketing those vehicles blocking the fire and emergency vehicle access lanes. I am not going to ticket those cars parked along the yellow curb that are not blocking access to the school or fields. I cannot guarantee the police will not come and ticket your cars, but it is a weekend and a big hassle for them to write out individual tickets by hand when I can do it faster and easier on my device here – and I am solving the emergency access problem. But I promise you I am only ticketing the most egregious offenders.” Pleased by this reasonable response, families made their way back to the meet. However, an hour later the meet organizers announced that the police were ticketing and towing any cars parked along the yellow curbs. Hundreds of parents who had been assured that only the most dangerously-parked vehicles would be cited left the bleachers to move their cars into the surrounding neighborhood. “But you promised!” and “Cancel the stupid flea market!” they cried. The consequences were financial and emotional – some were ticketed, some missed their kids placing in a photo-finish 400 meter dash. Some simply reparked their cars and purchased barbecue from the flea market vendors.

Northwestern should not have to cancel a long-standing and popular flea market because of a special event, nor should it discontinue hosting middle school sporting events because of lack of ample parking – both the ongoing commercial enterprise and the family events contribute to community goodwill and raise the profile of the school as long as law enforcement is clear on – and willing to cooperate with – the school’s priorities. Business and family can coexist. Lower-rung authorities are capable of quick and reasonable decisionmaking. Law enforcement authorities with overlapping jurisdiction should communicate to avoid giving conflicting information to the affected public. Enforcement zealotry eviscerates goodwill and secures nothing. Perhaps the legislators, policy makers, and attorneys who are shaping immigration reform will lift their heads from the minutiae of 844-page proposals and gain insight into the broader issues at play during a seemingly unrelated event. Northwestern is hosting three more Saturday track meets this season.

Did Moncrieffe Kill Two Birds With One Stone?

24 Apr

Official Portrait of Justice Sonia Sotomayor

The Supreme Court’s decision in Moncrieffe v. Holder represents a big win for those—like us—who believe lawfully present immigrants should not be deported for relatively minor drug offenses. The question now is: how big?

In a 7-2 decision written by Justice Sotomayor, the Court held that a marijuana distribution conviction should not be considered an “aggravated felony” under the immigration laws unless court records demonstrate that the offense involved payment or more than a small amount of marijuana. Yet in so doing, the court appears to suggest that immigrants should always receive the benefit of the doubt if court records fail to indicate whether they were convicted of an “aggravated felony,” even when they are applying for relief from removal. If so, the decision would effectively resolve a question that was distinct from, but related to, the one before the Justices.

Some background: For immigrants in removal proceedings, having an “aggravated felony” conviction carries two distinct consequences. First, it makes them removable from the United States (i.e. subject to deportation). Second, it makes them ineligible for most discretionary forms of relief—including asylum and cancellation—that would allow them to lawfully remain in the country notwithstanding the conviction. Under the Immigration and Nationality Act, the government carries the burden of demonstrating that an immigrant is removable, while immigrants carry the burden of demonstrating they are eligible for relief. Thus, in holding that Mr. Moncrieffe was not convicted of an aggravated felony for purposes of removability, the Supreme Court could have left open whether he would have to affirmatively show he was not convicted of such a crime to qualify for relief from removal.

Fortunately, Justice Sotomayor’s decision appears to kill two birds with one stone, suggesting that a conviction cannot be considered an aggravated felony for purposes of removability or relief unless clearly established by the record of conviction. How do we know? For one thing, the opinion repeatedly implies that the inquiry into whether an immigrant was convicted of an “aggravated felony” should be one in the same for purposes of removability and relief—even saying in footnote 4 that its analysis is “the same in both contexts.” For another, the majority specifically says (on page 19) that an immigrant like Mr. Moncrieffe “may seek relief from removal such as asylum or cancellation of removal”—and, as importantly, that Immigration Judges could deny relief as a matter of discretion if additional facts surfaced to suggest the immigrant was a legitimate drug trafficker.

If this interpretation of Moncrieffe is correct, it would mean that numerous federal circuit courts now wrongly require immigrants to affirmatively demonstrate they have not been convicted of an aggravated felony to obtain relief from removal. By making immigrants prove a negative, these decisions (such as Young v. Holder in the Ninth Circuit, and Salem v. Holder in the Fourth Circuit) have the same practical effect as the position the Supreme Court has now rejected: denying relief from removal to otherwise qualified immigrants simply because their conviction records do not specify the surrounding circumstances of their offense. We hope government attorneys will read Moncrieffe the same way. You can be sure, however, that Benach Ragland will raise this argument and continue to litigate the issue until the Supreme Court makes explicit what Moncrieffe makes implicit.

NIYA Organizers Infiltrate Michigan ICE to Reveal Racial Profiling and Due Process Abuses

15 Apr

On April 4th, 2013, an organizer with The National Immigrant Youth Alliance (NIYA), Claudia Munoz, infiltrated Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in Michigan. Claudia allowed herself to be detained by accidentally driving in to Canada. Claudia is still detained at the Calhoun County Jail in Battle Creek, Michigan.

In a video message that she shot before her arrest and detention, Claudio states that she is detained at a Michigan detention center because she allowed herself to be caught by Customs and Border Protection in an effort to expose the abuses that happen inside immigrant detention centers.  Since Claudia has been detained inside the Calhoun County Jail for the past 10 days, she has witnesses numerous due process violations and abuses conducted by ICE officials:

  • Due process violations: CBP agents intentionally misinterpreted detainees in order to incriminate them, which is a violation of their due process.
  • Forcing detainees to agree to voluntary departure: ICE Liaison, Officer J. Jolin, was seen forcing detainees to agree to voluntary departure. Office Jolin told a detainee that “I can bring in 3 deputies and make you sign it!” in order to compel signature. Additionally, a detainee was locked away in a room ‘until he changed his mind.’ Office Jolin also threatened one man with “20-years in prison if you don’t sign.” These reports corroborate past allegations that ICE officials have forced individuals to relinquish their legal rights.
  • Medical abuses. A detainee, Maria de la Luz, developed several health problems in the course of her detention. She has been coughing blood. Maria has also developed ovarian cysts, which are quite painful. Despite requesting medical help four times, she was merely given over-the-counter Advil. ICE agents have told her “why spend money on you when we plan on deporting you?” This is contrary to the Performance-Based National Detention Standards allegedly adopted by ICE in 2011.
  • Inaccessibility to filing complaints: Most of the detainees cannot complaint to officials as all grievance forms are in English. Additionally,  these grievance forms are not readily available and must be requested from an ICE agent.
  • Detention of low-priority detainees. Gustavo Corona was detained on April 1st, despite being eligible for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. His detention was also contrary to prosecutorial discretion guidelines, as he was pulled over for driving without a license, and detained despite having no criminal record and substantial family ties to the U.S. After protests from immigrant rights activists, Gustavo was finally released on April 11.

In addition to these abuses, Claudio also discovered out-of-date listings for pro-bono attorneys and non-profits. Other detainees have also allegedly complained of similar issues.

The National Immigrant Youth Alliance alleges that these cases are not an anomaly but that the Michigan ICE office has a track-record of abusing its power and not following national directives. In April 2011 and again in October 2012, Director Adducci ordered her agents to detain parents outside a local elementary school. In January 2012, Director Adducci refused to grant discretion in the case of Yanelli Hernandez, an undocumented youth from Ohio who had attempted suicide twice while in detention. In July of 2010, Officer J. Jolin, forced detainee, Ivan Nikolav to watch as his mother was stripped searched.

According to TRAC data, since Adducci became Field Director, Michigan ICE has issued over 4,200 immigration detainers; nearly 80% have been against immigrants with no prior contact with law enforcement.

The NIYA alleges that nearly all of the detainees at the Calhoun Facility are low-priority, and a result of racial-profiling against Latinos. Most are detained for driving without a license, as collateral walking to pick their children up from school, or merely as passengers in a car. Out of nearly 150 detainees at Calhoun, NIYA organizers contend that over 70% are the parents of U.S. citizen children, and eligible for prosecutorial discretion.

This is not the first time that NIYA has infiltrated a detention facility. Last summer, NIYA organizers Marco Saavedra and Viridiana Martinez, infiltrated Broward Transitional Center in Florida, where they found hundreds of cases of low-priority detainees. They were eventually released but not before they drew Congressional attention to the polices and practices at Broward, and started a hunger-strike inside the facility, which led to the release of many more detainees.

Claudia Munoz is likely to be identified and released from detention soon. However, while the Senate gears up for comprehensive immigration reform, it should seriously reconsider the practice of immigration detention and mount a full investigation into the policies and practices of detention centers across the country.

STEM Sells: But the U.S. Economy Depends on the Arts and Humanities Too

22 Mar

Increasing the number of immigrant and non-immigrant visas available to highly-skilled workers – particularly in the fields of science, technology, engineering and math (STEM) – currently appears to be the least controversial and most bipartisan aspect of the various immigration reform proposals being discussed, debated, and leaked to the public, even if the discussion about how to increase the number of STEM visas remains unclear. If certain U.S. industries – particularly tech industries that could easily pull the plug and set up shop elsewhere – contend that they cannot hire enough qualified workers because of visa limits, who is to argue in response that the U.S. does not need more engineers and rocket scientists? Everyone can get behind increasing STEM jobs. However, when we propose stapling a green card only to those diplomas earned in STEM fields, and when visas available to artists, writers, educators, historians, and musicians are limited to those who demonstrate “extraordinary” ability in their field, we risk losing the contributions of those who can demonstrate only “high skill” in non-STEM fields. We risk the imbalance that comes with planning to “overbuild” in one area only.

The focus on highly-skilled STEM workers, to the exclusion of those highly skilled in the arts and humanities, misses a critical component of a lasting healthy economy: across a range of industries, long-term career success requires both in-depth knowledge and skills that apply to a specific field or position and a broad range of skills and knowledge that apply to a range of fields and positions. A 2009 survey of more than 300 employers (conducted by Hart Research Associates on behalf of the Association of American Colleges and Universities) demonstrates that a high percentage of employers want colleges and universities to place more emphasis on written and oral communication (89%), critical thinking and analytic reasoning (81%), complex problem solving (75%), teamwork skills in diverse groups (71%), creativity and innovation (70%), information literacy (68%), and quantitative reasoning (63%) – the skills that are the hallmarks of a liberal arts education.

There is no doubt that American culture benefits from the contributions of those foreign-born workers educated and skilled in the arts and humanities, but the U.S. economy benefits as well, not only in the arts and entertainment industries, but even in STEM fields. In a September 21, 2011 opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal, Norm Augustine, the former CEO of Lockheed Martin, argued that the long-term success of the U.S. economy requires those educated in historical literacy: “In my position as CEO of a firm employing over 80,000 engineers, I can testify that most were excellent engineers — but the factor that most distinguished those who advanced in the organization was the ability to think broadly and read and write clearly.”

In an acceptance speech at the Academy Awards in 1988, the Austrian-born screenwriter, producer, filmmaker, artist, and journalist Billy Wilder thanked the unnamed American consul officer in Mexicali, Mexico who permitted Wilder to enter the United States in 1934 despite a lack of proper documentation – because Wilder told the officer that he wrote movies – stating simply “write some good ones.” Wilder became one of the most successful filmmakers in the entertainment industry, in addition to shaping American film culture. Immigration reform of course must prioritize the needs of certain growing U.S. industries, but those industries in turn must recognize that the long-term success of the U.S. economy depends on a broader spectrum of qualifications than the singular focus on highly-skilled STEM workers permits. Like Billy Wilder’s consul officer, immigration reform must have the foresight to recognize that those who enrich our lives through the arts and humanities contribute to both the culture and to the economy.

How Can I Prepare for Immigration Reform?

12 Mar

No comprehensive immigration reform bill has been introduced in Congress, much less signed into law. But it’s never too early to start to prepare. If and when reform is enacted, millions of undocumented immigrants will finally be able to come out of the shadows. And just as the early bird gets the worm, those who apply first will (generally) be approved first. While the enactment of legislation is months away at a minimum, there are numerous steps noncitizens can now take to ensure they qualify for a path to legalization.

  • Don’t get scammed

The first thing undocumented immigrants should do while awaiting comprehensive immigration reform is actually something they should not do: get scammed. The road to passage of a final bill will be filled with notarios, immigration “consultants,” and other unethical (and unsavory) characters who promise legal status in exchange for inordinate sums of money. Don’t fall for it. Unless an individual is a licensed attorney, he or she cannot provide legal representation. (Make sure to avoid any practitioners currently disciplined by the immigration courts, however.) And until President Obama signs a bill that has passed both Houses of Congress, immigration reform will not be a sure thing.

  • Settle up with Uncle Sam

When politicians talk about a possible pathway to citizenship, the first thing they invariably mention is the requirement that undocumented immigrants pay any “back taxes.” While reinforcing the false notion that undocumented immigrants pay no taxes at all, such a requirement will almost certainly be included in any eventual legislation. Contrary to popular belief, a Social Security number is not required to pay taxes. Individuals can instead use an “Individual Taxpayer Identification Number,” or ITIN, which can be obtained from the Internal Revenue Service. (More information about ITINs is available here.) As always, the deadline to file taxes for last year is April 15.

  • Know your criminal history

If Congress creates a pathway to citizenship, another virtual certainty is that it will exclude persons with serious or extensive criminal records. Under the leaked version of a bill being readied by the Obama administration, for example, undocumented immigrants could not legalize if they have been convicted of (a) any offense for which they served more than one year in prison, (b) three separate offenses for which they served more than 90 total days, (c) any crime rendering them inadmissible under the immigration laws, or (d) any “aggravated felony” after entering the United States.

Undocumented immigrants who have spent even one day in jail thus will likely want to consult an attorney before applying for legalization. And the first thing an attorney will want to see are records relating to prior arrests or convictions. Obtaining such records now will allow potential beneficiaries to apply sooner rather than later if and when immigration reform is signed into law. A good way to start is requesting an official criminal background check from the FBI, which costs $18.

  • Get some ID

Undocumented immigrants would also be wise to obtain some form of government identification before applying for legalization. For example, noncitizens who lack a passport can generally obtain one from their embassy or consulate of their country of nationality.  Despite being undocumented, noncitizens with employment authorization can generally obtain a valid Social Security card and/or driver’s license. If no other options exist, foreign nationals from countries that issue “matricula” cards might be able to use them in connection with their applications.

  • Establish prior presence

An as-yet-unknown requirement is the date by which undocumented immigrants must have entered the country to be eligible for a path to citizenship. For example, the legalization proposal enacted in 1986 only applied to non-farm workers who entered the country before 1982. And the bills introduced in 2006 and 2007 also contained cut-off dates stretching a number of years back.

Fortunately, it appears that any cut-off requirement will be more lenient this time around. For example, under the leaked version of the bill being readied by the Obama administration, noncitizens would have to be in the country on the date of introduction in order to qualify. And the framework released by the “Gang of 8” in the Senate contains no mention of a cut-off date, suggesting that it too would be open to recent arrivals.

Nonetheless, potential beneficiaries would still be wise to start collecting evidence now that establishes their prior presence in the country—school records, medical records, bank statements, utility bills, pay stubs, tax returns, etc.—to satisfy whatever cutoff date the final bill includes.

  • Talk to a trusted attorney

Not every undocumented immigrant will need an attorney to take advantage of a pathway to citizenship. But many will. And it can be hard to know whether one needs to hire an attorney unless one talks to an attorney. In fact, as occurred in many consultations involving prospective DACA applicants, one might discover that they were already eligible for legal status through another route.

If you want to further discuss how you might benefit from immigration reform, visit us at BenachRagland.com or check with your local bar or the American Immigration Lawyers Association.

The I-601A is Almost Here

1 Mar

jump-for-joy4

We are now days away from the launch of the provisional waiver process, a White House initiative that will permit immediate relatives of U.S. citizens to stay in the country while immigration officials process their waivers for the unlawful presence bars. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) will start accepting applications on March 4, and will release Form I-601A and its accompanying instructions either today or on Monday. We’ve talked about the provisional waiver process before (here and here), but thought we should again answer some frequently asked questions.

What’s the point of provisional waivers?

Existing immigration laws place many undocumented immigrants in a Catch-22. Unlike visa overstayers, those who entered without inspection must return home to obtain an immigrant visa. As soon as they depart the country, however, those who were unlawfully present for more than six months become inadmissible for either three or ten years. While such noncitizens can seek a waiver of inadmissibility, they are currently required to apply from abroad—resulting in separation from their families for many months if the waivers are approved, and for up to a decade if they are denied. As the name suggests, provisional waivers will allow such noncitizens to seek waiver before leaving the United States, reducing the period of separation to potentially just a few weeks.

Why are provisional waivers only available to immediate relatives of U.S. citizens?

Despite vociferous requests from immigrant advocates, USCIS limited eligibility for provisional waivers to those who are immediate relatives (i.e. parents, spouses, and children) of U.S. citizens. In the notice posted in the Federal Register, the agency gave two reasons. First, unlike immigrant visas in the family- and employment-based preference categories, no limits exist on the number that can be awarded to immediate relatives of U.S. citizens. And second, opening the process only to U.S. citizens could provide an incentive for eligible LPRs to naturalize.

Should I apply for a provisional waiver or wait for the possible passage of comprehensive immigration reform?

Funny you should ask, since we devoted a previous post to this very topic. In short, whereas comprehensive immigration reform is a possibility, the provisional waiver process is a reality. Qualified applicants could become permanent residents in a matter of months not years, as could be the case with comprehensive immigration reform. Moreover, while the cost of provisional waiver process is not cheap ($585 for Form I-601A, $85 for biometrics, plus costs associated with obtaining an immigrant visa from a foreign consulate), they could still be less than the fines and fees required under a comprehensive bill.

What qualifies as “extreme hardship”?

We also discussed this topic in a previous post. For hardship to qualify as “extreme,” it must be more severe than that experienced any time family members are forcibly separated. Among other factors, adjudicators will consider: (1) whether applicants have family ties in their home country; (2) the emotional and psychological impact of separation; (3) the living standards and societal conditions in the country of origin; (4) the financial and professional impact of separation on the U.S. citizen relative; (5) any health conditions affecting the applicant; and (6) the U.S. citizen’s age and length of residence in the United States.

Who must suffer “extreme hardship” to qualify for a provisional waiver?

Under federal law, waivers may only be granted based on hardship that would be suffered by the spouse and/or parent of the applicant, not the children. Presumably, Congress believed that allowing undocumented immigrants to receive unlawful presence waivers based on the hardship facing their U.S. citizen children would make it too “easy” for them to avoid the three- and ten-year bars. Perhaps this law will be changed if and when Congress does enact comprehensive immigration reform. But for now, the law is the law.

What if I have a criminal conviction?

This is a tricky one. Under federal regulations, provisional waivers are only available to overcome the grounds of inadmissibility related to unlawful presence. Noncitizens who are inadmissible for additional reasons—including a criminal conviction—cannot file Form I-601A. The answer, then, depends on whether USCIS has “reason to believe” your criminal conviction makes you inadmissible on some other ground. “Reason to believe” not a high threshold from a legal standpoint, and is certainly lower than the standard the government would need to satisfy in court. But if there’s any reasonable possibility that your conviction would independently make you inadmissible, USCIS would likely make you apply through the existing waiver process using Form I-601.

What if I’m in removal proceedings?

To qualify for a provisional waiver, noncitizens who are in removal proceedings must first successfully move for the proceedings to be administratively closed. If the I-601A is granted, such noncitizens must then move for termination of proceedings before leaving the country, lest they be considered to have “self-deported” during the pendency of proceedings.

What if I’m subject to a final order of removal?

Officially, noncitizens who are subject to a final order of removal are precluded by federal regulations from applying for a provisional waiver. As previously noted, however, noncitizens who are in removal proceedings may apply for such waivers. Thus, noncitizens with final orders of removal should move to have the order rescinded and the proceedings reopened before filing Form I-601A.

What if I’ve already filed Form I-601A?

If you have already filed Form I-601A, we have some bad news for you. You’ve been duped. USCIS will not accept provisional waivers before March 4, period.

Remembering Michael Maggio

27 Feb

This post is published with the permission of the American Immigration Lawyers Association.  It appears in AILA’s January/ February 2013 issue of AILA Voice:  
http://ailahub.aila.org/i/112027/47.

Michael_Maggio

I knew what I had to do.  The Judge had just chewed me out for losing my cool with a clerk in the court over scheduling a case.  I was wrong to have done it, but I was under a tight deadline. A child would age-out if this case was not scheduled and he would be separated from his parents and siblings.  I trudged down to Michael Maggio’s office and confessed what had happened.  I told him how I was sorry for damaging the reputation of the firm.  Michael patiently listened with his arched eyebrow and I waited for the hammer to fall.  He broke into a wide smile and said “Forget* them, you’re dealing with a kid’s life here!”  Michael knew of my frustration in getting the case on the docket and reminded me that our client, a kid, was depending upon me to get something done.  That was pure Michael- a kid is depending upon you.  You control the fate of that kid.  Does he attend the University of Maryland Engineering School or does he get returned to Ecuador where he had not lived in over a decade?  Michael was ready to give so much to make sure that that kid got his chance.

Michael was one of the generation of immigration lawyers who transformed immigration law from a seedy backwater to matters worthy of serious legal consideration.  He was one of those lawyers that everyone knows by just their first name- Denyse, Ira, Marc, Ted, Warren and Ron. Michael was a relentless advocate, but he did it with a sense of humanity and grace.  Michael understood people at every level and his ability to identify a wrong was legendary.  Michael rarely looked at books in his consultations.  He listened to the client and, if he decided that there had been injustice, Michael then figured out how to fix it.  Our job was to make Michael’s vision for a case come to life, to make the law what it should be.  Michael listened and led with his heart and we followed.

It has been five years since we lost Michael.  For about four of those years, I swore I saw him in Washington’s Dupont Circle at the farmer’s market, on his way to tennis with Jose, or on the street in Philadelphia, where I bumped into him randomly.  I saw him in the many restaurants where the entire staff owed their lives in America to Michael and Michael soaked in his friends, fine pasta and delicious wine.  Where Michael would address the busboys in his gringo Spanish.  Always trying to make a connection. Those visions do not happen too much anymore, but I hear him all the time in my head, “a kid is depending upon you.”  Listen and care, do more, work harder. And don’t forget to eat good food and drink good wine.

*He did not say “forget.”

 

What’s at Stake in Moncrieffe

25 Feb

SCOTUS

Any day now, the Supreme Court is expected to issue an opinion in Moncrieffe v. Holder, an immigration case with important ramifications for noncitizens convicted of certain marijuana-related offenses. The case is one of three argued in early October that the Justices have yet to decide. With the Court scheduled to release opinions on Tuesday and Wednesday—and a better than average possibility that Moncrieffe will be among them—we thought we would review what’s at stake in the case.

The issue in Moncrieffe involves the fate of noncitizens who are convicted of crimes that—depending on the circumstances surrounding the offense—may or may not qualify as an “aggravated felony.” In Moncrieffe’s case, the crime in question was possession of marijuana with intent to distribute. While such offenses are generally considered to be aggravated felonies under the immigration laws, an exception exists for defendants who possessed a small amount of marijuana that they intended to distribute for no remuneration (i.e. compensation).

For his part, Moncrieffe was arrested with 1.3 grams of marijuana—enough for between two or three joints—none of which he intended to sell. Unlike federal law, however, the Georgia statute under which Moncrieffe pled guilty contained no exception for those intending to share rather than sell marijuana. So after the Department of Homeland Security placed Moncrieffe in removal proceedings, his criminal record alone did not reveal whether his conviction should be considered an aggravated felony for immigration purposes. Although the government bears the burden of proof in removal proceedings, an Immigration Judge—relying on a 2008 decision from the Board of Immigration Appeals—found that the ambiguous record of conviction was enough to make Moncrieffe’s conviction equivalent to felony drug trafficking under federal law.

Some may ask: if Moncrieffe did not intend to sell the marijuana, why didn’t he simply produce evidence demonstrating as much? The reason is that in determining whether a conviction constitutes an aggravated felony, immigration courts look at the elements of the crime, not the underlying facts of the case. Though it may seem artificial, this so-called “categorical approach” is what prevents removal proceedings from turning into mini-trials over offenses occurring years or decades before.

Moreover, noncitizens with alleged aggravated felony convictions are subject to mandatory detention during the course of removal proceedings, making it difficult if not impossible to gather evidence or interview witnesses regarding their underlying convictions. Indeed, during oral arguments in October, numerous Justices—and especially Justice Sonia Sotomayor—appeared hostile to the idea that convictions for possession of marijuana with intent to distribute should be considered aggravated felonies unless noncitizens could affirmatively prove to the contrary.

Even if the Supreme Court rules for Moncrieffe, noncitizens in his position will not necessarily escape deportation. Even if not considered an aggravated felony, Moncrieffe’s conviction would still render him deportable as a generic controlled substance offense. The key distinction is that noncitizens convicted of aggravated felonies are ineligible for most forms of relief, including cancellation of removal. Thus, if Moncrieffe wins at the Supreme Court, he would merely receive an opportunity to seek cancellation from an Immigration Judge, who at that point could take the circumstances of the offense into account.

As with all Supreme Court cases, it is impossible to predict what the Justices will decide or when they will issue their decision. But based on the other cases from early October that have yet to be decided, court watchers have predicted that Justice Sotomayor is authoring the majority opinion. If true, it would certainly be a welcome sign, given her aggressive grilling of the government during the oral argument and her overall track record on immigration cases.

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